Plight of the people of Gilgit Baltistan

Two Conference on April 8/9, 2008

‘Constitutional, political and socio-economic deprivation, miseries and plight of the people of Gilgit Baltistan Northern part of Kashmir’

Speech delivered by
Sardar Shaukat Ali Kashmiri on April, 2008 in European- Parliament

Respected Baroness Emma Nicholson, Member European Parliament, Vice Chair Foreign Affairs Committee and Vice Chair sub- committee on Human Rights in the European Parliament, architect of first European Parliament resolution on Jammu Kashmir.
Madam Chairperson,
Chair IKA Dr Nazir Gillani Sahib, Mumtaz Khan, Vice Chair IKA, Dr Shabir Chaudhry, Abbas Butt Abdul Hamid Khan Chairman BNF, dear journalists, ladies and gentlemen.
I would warmly welcome you in this august conference and taking this opportunity to bring you constitutional, political and socio-economic deprivation, miseries and plight of the people of Gilgit Baltistan Northern part of Kashmir. People of Pakistani Administered Kashmir and Gilgit Baltistan have special respect and honor for you Madam Chairperson.
Dear Delegates,
Before going into the historical perspective of Gilgit Baltistan I would like to present my views on Jammu Kashmir and its political, constitutional, socio-economic, cultural, educational, religious, and lingual history and its long history of relations with Northern Part Gilgit Baltistan. Jammu Kashmir is north western region of the Indian sub-continent.
Until the mid 20th century, the term “Kashmir “referred to the Valley lying between the great Himalaya and the Pir Panjal range; since then, it has been used for a larger area that today includes Jammu Kashmir consisting of Kashmir valley, Jammu, Ladakh, Pakistani Administered Kashmir, Gilgit, Baltistan Chinese administered region of Aksai Chin.
The oldest account of Kashmir history is Rajtirangni of Kalhana which was written in 1147-1149 CE.Though Kashmir has long history of foreign occupation but it’s important feature is that the prominent Chak ruler of Kashmir and Ali Sher Khan Anchan who is known as Ranchan Shah in Kashmir was belonging to the Gilgit region that proves that the Gilgit Baltistan region had a strong influence in Kashmir political affairs in the past. Under the paramountcy of the British crown that lasted until 1947 when the former princely state became disputed territory between its neighbors India, Pakistan and China. The total area of the state is 84471 Sq Miles and 12million population bigger than many independent nations in terms of population and area particularly five European countries, Belgium, Holland, Luxembourg, Austria, Switzerland together.
At this point I would say that the founding father of this state was Maharajah Gulab Singh despite our differences with treaty of Amritsar of 1846.
I would also pay tribute to the loyalty and patriotism of Maharajah Hari Singh and I would say that If Maharajah Hari Singh had not enacted the law of “State Subject Rule” of 1927 Kashmiri people under different administrations and political systems would have been turned as minority particularly those who live under illegal administration of Pakistan since 1947.
Respected Delegates,
At this moment when different lobbies are trying to distort the facts and misleading world community I would like to put forward my submissions so that historical misconception can be clearly understood.

* It is evident that India came into Kashmir through a treaty of accession while Pakistan infiltrated it’s tribal in Jammu Kashmir and illegally occupied about 36000Sq Miles of State.
* Under UNCIP resolutions Government of Pakistan failed to comply with the UNCIP resolutions as UNCIP resolutions clearly asked Pakistan to withdrawal all its armed and para-military forces and civilians simultaneously from state and India was to withdraw bulk of its forces after that.
* Therefore, unless Government of Pakistan fulfills the UNCIP resolutions condition, asking India to revisit the treaty of accession and seek the opinion of Kashmiris on the treaty. But it is the duty of Indian government to protect the life, liberty, property and dignity of the Kashmiri unless final solution is sought. While on the other hand government of Pakistan has denied the fundamental rights and freedoms of people of Gilgit Baltistan.

We call Karachi agreement as conspiracy against the identity and unity of Kashmiris by the Pakistani authorities and reject it for following various reasons.
1- At the time of Karachi Agreement on 28th April-1949 there was no representative of that region.
2- The people of Gilgit Baltistan are kept deprived, politically, constitutionally and forced to live unprivileged and underdeveloped since 1949.
3- No legislature was formed for the people of these areas.
4- There are no notable institutions like healthcare and hospital except Agha Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP).
5- As Karachi agreement was clearly infringe to the autonomy and fun political, democratic, and cultural and human rights of the people of the region. Through Karachi agreement Pakistani authorities have assumed extraordinary powers and region became sole domain to ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas (KANA)
6- Muslim Conference and its leadership had no democratically legitimate mandate for the people of Gilgit Baltistan to sign such agreement on their behalf with Government of Pakistan.


It is irony that Government of Pakistan takes a very different route to govern the affairs of Gilgit Baltistan unlike in Pakistani Administered Kashmir which consist of 4000Sq Miles was given a nominal institutions like Legislative Assembly, President, Prime Minister, Supreme Court, National Flag and National Anthem, but Gilgit Baltistan which is 28000 Sq Miles was put under the mercy of a low rank officer in Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas.

The population of Gilgit Baltistan consists of many diverse linguistic, ethnic and religious groups’ isolated valleys separated by some of the world's highest mountains. Urdu is the lingua franca of the region, understood by most male inhabitants.
The Shina language (with several dialects) is the language of 40% of the population, spoken mainly in Gilgit, throughout Diamer, and some parts of Ghizer. The Balti language, a sub-dialect of Ladakhi is spoken by the entire population of Baltistan. Minor languages spoken in the area include Wakhi spoken in upper Hunza, and some villages in Ghizer, while Khowar is the major language of Ghizer. Burushaski is an isolated language spoken in Hunza, Nagar, Yasin (where Khowar is also spoken),

Some parts of Gilgit and some villages of Punyal. Another interesting language is Domaaki, spoken by the musician clans of the region.

Gilgit Baltistan is rich in natural resources. Its major resources are gold, emerald, uranium, forests and water blue gold in modern terminology. Government of Pakistan is collecting billions of rupees from the tourism of this area. World highest and tallest peaks are situated in this area. Mount K2 and Godwin- Austin are one of them which attract expeditions and mountaineers across the globe. Trans Karakoram route which is the only link of Pakistan with China trade and commerce but local people are kept isolated of any benefit of such business. This area is blessed of huge assets of water resources. Kashmir has five rivers which are
1. River Indus
2. River Kishanganga
3. River Jhelum
4. River Chenab
5. River Poonch

This area is most marginalized in the field of health and education. There is only one university for the population of 2 million people, but no medical and engineering college or polytechnique institute for the population of entire region. The women situation in the area is even worst due to poor health care facilities have deteriorated health conditions in female and they are particularly victim of Pakistani state fundamentalist policies in this area. There are only two colleges in the area and literacy rate among men is 14% and 3.5 % is among women. There is no major hospital in the area except Agha Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP), which is the only Non-Governmental- Organization (NGO) providing primary health care to the people of this area. There is no industry in this area. Water and sewerage system is non-existent so is the electricity where more than two third of the population of the area. The attempts to wage a political struggle through the Northern Areas Legislative Council (NALC), have been handicapped by the ban imposed by the Pakistani authorities on any one contesting elections unless he or she pledge that the Gilgit Baltistan is an integral part of Pakistan. Similarly constitutional restraints are in placed in Azad Kashmir to bar political opponents from participating in the elections those stipulations are clear violations of UNCIP resolutions.

High court of so called Azad Kashmir verdict of 1993 and clear verdict of Supreme Court of Pakistan in 1999 define that Gilgit Baltistan is part and parcel of Jammu Kashmir’ and Government of Pakistan was asked to hand over administrative control of this area to the so called Government of Azad Kashmir or least they should be given opportunity to form their own legislative Assembly.

But these verdicts went unnoticed under red tape of ministry of Kashmir affairs that enjoys the total control and absolute administrative powers and financial affairs from Islamabad and local people are treated as slaves. More than two hundred political activists are facing so called sedition charges in this area while constitutionally and legally this region is not part of Pakistan.

Dear Delegates,
I’m grateful to you for your keen interest in poliitical, constitutional and socio-economic deprivation of the people of Gilgit Baltistan and would like to put following suggestions in this regard.

· We welcome the end of military rule and installation of democratically elected Government in Pakistan and we should support democratic forces.

· We warmly welcome ban lifted on trade unions and students organizations, and we also express jubilance over the release of top judges of apex courts. Yet an independent judiciary is a dream in today’s Pakistan. We should support the Lawyers’ movement in Pakistan.

· Borders should be opened between Gilgit Baltistan and Ladakh like some crossing points have been opened in Pakistan Administered Kashmir.
· A bus service should immediately be started between Ladakh and Gilgit Baltistan so that the divided families and cultural links could be reunited and revitalized between both regions.

· We strongly urge world community and particularly European Parliament to establish a fact finding mission to be sent in Pakistani Administered Gilgit Baltistan and in Pakistani Administered Kashmir to see ground realities and particularly the worst situation of earthquake victims of October -2005.

· Having regard of the world community most generous support to rehabilitate effected people, Government of Pakistan and local administration in Pakistan Administered Kashmir have failed to do so accordingly.

· We urge world community and European Parliament to oversee the funds allocated to earthquake victims and misuse of those funds by the concerned authorities and Government officials.

· We strongly condemn attack on a member of Pakistani Administrative Legislative Assembly Mr. Tahir Khokhar who was asking in the assembly about misusing the public funds but was beaten in the house by the government ministers. We demand that independent inquiry should be held in this regard and allegations labeled by him must be fairly investigated.

· We recommend that to empower women of the most deprived region there should be special quota be allocated for them so that they can also participate in socio-economic and political advancement of 21st century requirements

· We also recommend that to provide them free and cheap justice to the people an independent judiciary of world standard be established for the people of Gilgit Baltistan.

Sardar Shaukat Ali Kashmiri
Chairman
United Kashmir peoples National Party
Secretary General, International Kashmir Alliance
Email: shaukatkashmiri_shaukatkashmiri@yahoo.com
www.ukpnp.info

State of Women in Balochistan

*State of women in Balochistan*
by Sanaullah Baloch
http://thenews.jang.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=107243

Thursday, April 17, 2008

In spite of being commonly liberal, politically conscious, and culturally
well-endowed, resource-rich Balochistan is Pakistan's least-developed
province with high rates of infant and maternal mortality, poverty,
illiteracy and malnutrition.

Although women are suffering due to the inflexible culture, customs and
practices throughout Pakistan women, there is a larger story to tell about
the state-sponsored discrimination against women in Balochistan.

From the beginning Islamabad has outrageously tried to cover up its
ill-conceived and discriminatory policies by blaming the Baloch themselves
for their appalling state. However, facts and findings on health, education,
communication, political empowerment and economic development clearly
indicate that human development in Balochistan has been deliberately ignored
by successive central governments, to gain strategic benefits out of the
vast and geostrategic location of the province and its immense resources.
Women are discriminated against in the country at large. But in Balochistan
they are discriminated against by state. They have no access to enabling
opportunities required for the empowerment of women in any modern and
civilised society.

Under Article 25 of the Constitution, and of the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR),
women are entitled to a number of economic and social rights, such as rights
to food, social security, housing, education, an adequate standard of
living, and healthcare. But policy commitments have hardly been translated
in to practice.

The endless military operation, internal displacement, disappearances,
intimidation and the prolonged Baloch-Islamabad conflict are hitting hard
the already deprived women in the province. Central government
discriminatory policy is not only resulting in slowdown of gender
empowerment but its effecting overall social and economic development
process in province.

The most devastating consequence of underdevelopment in any society is a
high fatality rate. Balochistan has highest infant and maternal mortality
ratio (MMR), compared to that many Asian and African underdeveloped
countries. For example, the MMR in Karachi is 281 compared to 673 in rural
Balochistan. Pakistan's chief planning health officer told IRIN in June 2007
that "the maternal mortality ratio is 650 per 100,000 live births in
Balochistan - nearly two times the national average,".

The increasing rate of preventable maternal mortality is a symptom of the
larger social injustice of discrimination against women and violation of
women's human rights. Thousands of avoidable maternal deaths each year
indicate the government's unfaithfulness to domestic and international laws.
The expert has indicated the basic lack of safe drinking water and
sanitation as major cause of infant and maternal mortality in the province.
The Pakistan Living Standard Measurement Survey (PSLM), 2004-5, identifies
sharp a interprovincial disparity with regard to access to safe drinking
water. Reports state that 52 per cent of the population in Balochistan uses
wells and open ponds for drinking water, compared to three per cent in
Punjab, 13 per cent in Sindh and 35 per cent in NWFP. Balochistan' s women
played a vital political and human rights role during the current conflict
in the province. The Baloch Women's Panel very bravely organised a number of
protests, rallies and sit-ins in front of the press clubs in Quetta, Karachi
and Turbat against arbitrary arrests and for the release of missing Baloch
activists.

Despite being a signatory of major international conventions, Islamabad
continues to ignore the basic rights of women to education in Balochistan.
Planned discrimination remains to deprive the majority of girls the right to
knowledge in Balochistan.

Access to all levels of education is crucial to empowering women and girls
to participate in economic, social and political life of their societies.
Education unlocks a woman's potential, and is accompanied by improvements in
health, nutrition, and well-being of their families. The PSLM survey
reported alarming regional disparity in education sector. According to the
survey only 27 per cent of the students in Balochistan complete primary or
higher education, compare to 64 per cent in Punjab. The increasing dropout
rate is due to the unavailability of middle- and high schools.

Islamabad is totally inactive and ignorant about the need to reduce or
remove the interprovincial gender disparity and bring the neglected women of
Balochistan at par with rest of the provinces. Interprovincial gender
inequality in employment sector is unspeakable. According to State Bank of
Pakistan's 2005-06 report Balochistan and the NWFP have the highest rate of
female unemployment rate of 27 per cent and 29 per cent, compared to seven
per cent and 20 per cent for Punjab and Sindh.

A large number of women's vocational and training centres in Punjab make
women more capable and confident to qualify for market jobs. Punjab has 111
women's vocational institutes, however Balochistan has only one. Due to the
lack of girls' schools in the province only 23 per cent rural girls are
lucky enough to be enrolled in primary as compared to 47 per cent in rural
Punjab. In fact, acute poverty at the margin appeared to be hitting hardest
at women. As long as women's access to healthcare, education, and training
remain limited, prospects for improved social status of female population
will remains bleak.

The Social Policy Development Centre 2005 report discovered that the
percentage of the population living in a high degree of deprivation stands
at 88 per cent in Balochistan, 51 per cent in the NWFP, 49 per cent in Sindh
and 25 per cent in Punjab. According to poverty-related reports the
percentage of the population living below the poverty line stands at 63 per
cent in Balochistan, 26 per cent in Punjab, 29 per cent in the NWFP and 38
per cent in Sindh.

No development policy could succeed unless it is based on the needs and
participation of people in the process. In Balochistan' s case, what people
need is socio-economic development, political empowerment, clean drinking
water, electricity, practical education, basic health facilities, proper
roads and infrastructure connecting rural towns to the main centres. But
central government is doing the opposite. The Baloch are subject to extreme
discrimination. No state in the present era singles out its citizen on the
basis of region and ethnicity. The regime in Islamabad must respect Baloch
rights and stop its systematic discriminatory policies.

The writer is a senator. Email: balochbnp@gmail.com

--
Senator Sanaullah Baloch
Member Senate of Pakistan
http://www.sanabaloch.page.tl

AHRC Statement on State-sponsored Disappearances

*PAKISTAN: Thirty nine persons recorded disappeared during the first quarter
of 2008*

*FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
*AHRC-STM-085- 2008
April 03, 2008

*A Statement by the Asian Human Rights
Commission
http://www.ahrchk. net/statements/ mainfile. php/2008statemen ts/1454/
*

Thirty nine (39) persons, mostly young people, remain missing after arrest
during the first quarter of 2008; their whereabouts are unknown to their
families. The state intelligence agencies are still operative in arbitrarily
arresting people, keeping them in custody for several months and torturing
them to confess their involvement in crimes against the state. After the
general elections of February 2008, about 27 persons disappeared after
arrests by the Elite Force, a state intelligence agency working under the
Pakistan Army. According to the reports collected by the Defence of Human
Rights, an organization working on the recovery of disappeared persons, and
Baloch Rights Council, an umbrella organization of several Baloch
nationalist organizations, more than 65 persons have been disappeared after
the imposition of the state of emergency by President Musharraf, (who was
then General Musharraf) on November 3, 2007.

The latest disappearance is that of Mr. Asad Ali Shah, a 24 year old teacher
of Saint Paul, Rawalpindi, who was arrested on March 22, 2008, just two days
before the new elected assembly took oaths. Mr. Shah's mother and father who
were interviewed by the BBC said he was arrested by the Elite Force. He was
taken from his home in the early hours of the morning by personnel from the
Elite Force who told his parents that they would return him within 15
minutes as they wanted him to support a statement. However, until now there
is no news about him. His family is afraid that wherever he is, he is being
severely tortured. The Baloch Rights Council claims that 23 persons are
missing from districts of Dera Bugti and Sui, Balochistan province after
their arrest by plain clothes men driving in police vans since the start of
March 2008, just weeks after the general elections of February 18.

Since 2001, when the war on terror began, it is reported by the several
nationalists and religious groups that about 5000 persons remain disappeared
after arrests. In the southern province of Balochistan, nationalist groups
and political parties are claiming that about 4000 persons are missing since
the military operation began in the province in year 2001 and that the
Pakistan Army has killed several hundred persons in aerial bombardments. In
the North Western Frontier Province, where the Pakistani military and
foreign forces are carrying out operations against militants, the media and
political parties are claiming that more than 1000 persons are missing and
that their whereabouts remain unknown. The nationalist forces of Sindh
province claim that about 100 persons have been disappeared but that some of
them were released after the intervention of the Supreme Court and Sindh
High Court. In Punjab province most of those arrested were from some
religious groups working in southern and north western areas of the Punjab
province. The figure goes to more than 100 persons.

The newly formed civilian government of Pakistan particularly, the Prime
Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani have still not mentioned about the fate of
disappeared persons after their arrests by the state intelligence agencies.
The issue of the disappearances was one of the main issues which caused the
dismissal of the deposed Chief Justice and whole higher judiciary by the
military rulers. The state agencies are still operating freely to arrest any
one with out any legal authority and keeping persons incommunicado for
several months during which time they are tortured. The new government must
realise that their indifferent attitude towards the issue of disappearances
will only strengthened the resolve of the intelligence agencies of the army
to run a parallel rule of law contrary to constitution and civilian laws.

This is the time for the newly formed coalition government to take the issue
of disappeared person as one of the priority issue for their government's
100 days task, which was announced by the prime minister after formation of
his government. The government of Prime Minister Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani
should announce policy statement about the fate of disappeared persons and
their release and make a committee of parliamentarians to record statement
from all those persons who were released from the captivity of intelligence
agencies. The government should also seriously take the notice of the
testimonies of the released persons about the military torture camps in all
big cities of the country and immediately start a probe of them.

# # #

*About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional
non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in
Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.*

AHRC Statement on Possible Civil War in Pakistan

*PAKISTAN: Immediate actions required to prevent a possible civil war in
Pakistan*

*FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE*
AHRC-STM-094- 2008
April 13, 2008

*A Statement by the Asian Human Rights
Commission
http://www.ahrchk. net/statements/ mainfile. php/2008statemen ts/1470
*

The brutal attacks on April 9, 2008, in Karachi claimed the lives of 14
persons including a child. Six persons were burned alive of which four
persons were lawyers and the other two their two women clients. 19 lawyers
are reportedly missing who are feared to be abducted, tortured and killed.
More than 70 offices were ransacked and burned, including the office, house
and the vehicle of the General Secretary of the Karachi Bar Association. The
offices of the Malir Bar Association, 20 kilometer away from Karachi city
courts, were burnt to ashes. Five journalists were severely beaten. Of them,
one was a female journalist working for a local television channel. Her arm
was fractured in the incident. More than 50 vehicles were burned and
smashed; mostly cars owned by lawyers. Two private bus drivers were shot
dead.

The media and sources close to the bar associations reported that these
attacks on the lawyers, looting, killing, burning and abductions were
carried out by the members of the political group, the Muttahida Quami
Movement (MQM). The MQM is very close to President Pervez Musharraf and was
a coalition partner of the previous dictatorship led by Musharraf.

It was also reported by the lawyers' associations that the MQM was involved
in the incidents of May 12, 2007, when Justice Iftekhar Choudhry, the then
deposed Chief Justice, was not allowed to enter Karachi city and was stopped
at the Karachi Air Port. On May 12, more than 40 persons were killed. The
lawyers reported to the media that the attackers were in possession of
incendiary weapons that exploded when thrown at a target.

Some lawyers who witnessed the incidents said that the rioting mob had
brought two bags full of such weapons and were hurling them at targets,
instructed to them over mobile telephones. The attackers started setting
fire to a building which housed the office of Mr. Naeem Querashi, the
General Secretary of Karachi Bar Association. Mr. Querashi's car was also
destroyed in the attack.

After the April 9 incident, five charred bodies were found from room number
616 at Tahir Plaza. The room was occupied Mr. Haji Aftab Abbasi. Abbasi was
a local lawyer. It is reported that when the lawyer was with his junior
colleagues briefing two women clients, Ms. Razia Batool and Ms. Sobia, some
persons came into his office by force and threw chemicals inside the room,
ran out and locked the door from outside. Those inside the room, the lawyers
and their clients were not allowed to go out. Then a fire suddenly blew up
the whole room. One newspaper reported that two beheaded bodies were also
found from the building. The charred bodies were recognised only from their
belongings. A DNA test is scheduled to confirm the identity of the bodies.

The Karachi Bar Association claims that 19 lawyers were missing after the
attacks. It is feared that many of them might have been tortured and/or
killed. Mr. Choudhry Shujaat Hussain, the head of the Pakistan Muslim League
(Q) -- the ruling party during Musharraf's dictatorship -- issued a public
statement on April 8, a day before the carnage, that a situation will be
created that "no 'black coat' wearing person will be able to come on the
streets" (Daily Jang). Mr. Hussain was addressing a press conference in
Islamabad, the capital of the country.

The Bar Associations of Sindh High Court, Karachi city courts and even other
bar associations of the country in their resolutions have accused MQM as
being responsible for the carnage of May 12, 2007 and April 9, 2008. But the
local media is under so much pressure from MQM hooliganism that it is forced
to avoid naming the real culprits, which were pointed out consistently by
the lawyers and their associations.

The MQM claims that their lawyers were holding a demonstration outside the
city courts buildings and that they were attacked by the lawyers who were
protesting in favour of the deposed Chief Justice. The MQM claims that six
of their workers were killed and several lawyers were injured. The MQM
accused the leadership of the bar associations for the attack on its
lawyers, whereas the entire bar associations in the country are denying that
there was any clash between the two groups of lawyers.

The Karachi Bar Association said in a press statement that they (the
lawyers) were holding a lawyers' general meeting protesting the attack on a
former minister in Musharraf's ousted cabinet. Suddenly some people came and
started demonstrating, chanting slogans against the lawyers and against the
former Chief Justice. As the general body was over, more than two hundred
people came around the building and started damaging the building, hurling
fire bombs and also burning the nearby buildings that housed law firms. Cars
that were parked outside the court building were also burned.

The lawyers and their bar associations have mentioned in press conferences
and their resolutions that the attacks on the lawyers, their property,
incidents of firing and burning alive of the lawyers were 'pre-planned
actions' of President Musharraf's political groups who enjoyed power for
about five years during Musharraf's dictatorship. The bar associations are
arguing that the incidents of April 9, were actually part of a malicious
campaign sponsored by Musharaf and his allies.

To divert the whole issue of restoration of deposed judges the cronies of
the former military government resorted to attack the lawyers and their
institutions. The lawyers argue that when the lawyers all over the country
are protesting against the attacks on the former ministers and when there is
no dispute over the issue, why then they are attacked and burned alive?

It is expected, that the newly elected government will restore the deposed
judiciary, as the parties now sharing power in Pakistan have entered into an
agreement concerning this. The parties have agreed to restore all deposed
judges within one month of the formation of the government. The decision was
made in March 2008. This is widely known as the Marri Declaration. The
period of one month declared earlier to restore the judges will end in the
coming weeks.

The leadership of the bar associations were pointing out that President
Musharraf is creating hurdles for the implementation of the Marri
declaration. It is reported that the President fears that once the judges
are restored, his already lost moral grounds to continue as the president
will receive its last blow, forcing him out from the president's office.

If his criminal involvement in these attacks by promoting the above
incidents and conspiring with the criminals are proved, it would be one more
addition to his illegitimacy to remain in office and he could face a
shameful impeachment. Such proofs regarding the President's involvement in
criminal acts will further confirm that Musharraf has no intention to serve
Pakistan as its legitimate President, but that he is only one more hurdle
towards Pakistan's fresh move towards democracy.

The assault upon the former Chief Minister of Sindh province was on April 7,
when the newly elected Sindh provincial assembly was holding a session for
electing its speaker and deputy speaker. The attack was condemned by newly
elected members. Two days before the incident, the MQM announced an alliance
with Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and declared that it will remain in
alliance with the PPP for generations and this group also announced its
disassociation with the parties of President Musharraf. Apart from these
promises, on the day when former chief minister was attacked, suddenly and
unexpectedly, the MQM announced a boycott of the session and the next day
announced an indefinite boycott of assembly sessions. This backpedaling is
MQM's unique character.

In the follow up, on April 8, a delegation from Islamabad under the
leadership of Mr. Choudhry Shujaat Hussain, the president of PML-Q, with two
former chief ministers of the previous regime, visited the MQM head quarters
and reportedly discussed in detail the future line of action. The MQM which
had a public commitment with the PPP has quickly shifted its loyalty towards
their former partners. On the same day and time, Mr. Sher Afgan, a former
minister in Musharraf's dictatorship, was beaten severely by a mob. The mob
reportedly comprised of persons in plain cloths and some lawyers. The
incident was condemned by everyone.

Mr. Aitzaz Ahsan, the president of the Supreme Court Bar Association, had to
save the former minister from the mob since the law enforcement officers had
conspicuously disappeared from the scene by then. But in the evening on
April 8, Mr. Altaf Hussain, the chief of MQM, residing in self-exile in
London for the past 15 years, accused that the lawyers and their leadership
as "vandals, nefarious 'goonda' (hoodlums) and street dwellers". These words
were broadcasted throughout the night by the electronic media and later in
print the next day.

On September 10, 2007, when a full bench of the Sindh High Court was
conducting a judicial enquiry about the incidents of May 12, the MQM
attacked the Sindh High Court building. This compelled the bench to postpone
the hearing. During the attack, a senior lawyer and former Vice President of
the Karachi Bar Association, Mr. Raja Riaz was shot dead. He was on his way
to the Court to give evidence in the hearing.

On the same day another senior lawyer, Mr.Mohammad Ali Abbassi, the former
President of Karachi Bar Association, was attacked by the cadres of MQM. He
was told not to give evidence against the carnage in Karachi at the hearing.

This is not the first time that Mr. Altaf Hussain is using filthy language
against the lawyers and the peoples' movement for establishing the supremacy
of judiciary and rule of law in Pakistan. On May 12, 2007, the MQM had not
allowed the former Chief Justice to visit Karachi on the invitation of Sindh
High Court Bar Association. The former judge was to participate in the
swearing in ceremony of the newly elected office bearers of the Bar
Association. The MQM had total control of the province and its city
government then.

It was evident from the media reports that courts including the High Court
were taken over by the MQM, and, all judges who went to the court were
detained till the late evening and some judges and their staff were
assaulted. Throughout the day, armed bandits were patrolling the cities and
killed more than 40 persons. In the evening the MQM held its own public
meeting in which Mr. Altaf Hussain, the chief of MQM, used abusive language
against lawyers and the former Chief Justice.

On May 12, 2007, the MQM raised slogans in favouring Hussain throughout the
day. Hussain, in a telephonic address from London on the same evening,
threatened the journalists, who had written about the involvement of the MQM
in the attack on the Sindh High Court building and that their (journalists' )
hands would be broken if they did not write the "truth". Hussain also termed
the journalists as prostitutes. Hussain also used derogatory remarks against
the Sindh High Court judges who were conducting the inquiry against the
violence of May 12.

With regard to the violent incidents of April 9, 2008, Musharraf blamed the
leadership of the bar associations and lawyers before proceeding to China
for a five-day visit. The same statements were repeated by the allied
political parties of his ousted dictatorship. These political groups also
announced an indefinite boycott of the national assemblies.

These incidents and the very redundant attitudes against the legal community
and judiciary emanating from the president's house and its benefactors
strongly suggests that as long as Musharraf remains in office his cronies
from the previous dictatorship will not allow the deposed judiciary to be
restored and the movement for the rule of law to succeed. The militancy is
likely to prevail while Musharraf retains the highest constitutional post of
the country.

The newly formed elected government must at least now realise that it will
be a difficult task to run the state until and unless the issue of
restoration of judiciary is not solved. To ignore or to delay in solving
this issue, as decided in the Marri Declaration, will question the
sustainability and legitimacy of the new set up. More importantly, the
forces of tyranny will take advantage of the weakness of the government. The
restoration of deposed judges is the only way to constitutionally guarantee
democracy in Pakistan. The new government must also start an independent
probe into the incidents of May 12 and April 9 and the culprits must be
brought before the law with out any political expediency or compromises.
Until this is done the people of Pakistan will soon loose faith in the new
government.

The events of the April 9, 2008 and May 12, 2007 are directed to destabilise
all norms of rule of law, individual freedom and the supremacy of civil laws
in the country. It is an attempt to backpedal the democratic movement in
Pakistan. This will only favour the return of military rule in Pakistan.

The history of the world stands proof to reasons for a civil war.
Thoughtless political actions for petty personal benefits and unjustifiable
political compromises triggering the loss of peoples' faith in their
government are all mistakes that lead to civil unrest. Persons within and
outside Pakistan, wielding direct or indirect command over power must not be
allowed to act as malicious catalysts who work overtime to crush the dreams
for democracy and rule of law of the ordinary Pakistani citizen.

When lawyers and their associations, the civil society including the
journalists are clear about the identities of those who were responsible for
the killing and burning alive of so many people, it is the duty of the Prime
Minister of Pakistan and the Chief Minister of Sindh province to hear them
and to take legal actions against these criminals. Any delay in such an
initiative will promote the use of violence as a crude political instrument
to suppress the peoples' movement in the country and is so evil and powerful
to push Pakistan into a civil war.

# # #

*About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional
non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in
Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984. *

MQM burns people alive, Zardari to reward them with ministries!

MQM burns people alive, Zardari to reward them with ministries!

by Aziz Narejo

As the lawyers and other civil society members are unanimous in condemning the MQM for the reign of terror in Karachi yesterday when the London and Karachi based terrorist organization targeted lawyer’s offices, residences, their properties and bars and burned alive people including women and shot to death a number of people, the PPP is set to reward the hoodlums with ministries in the Sindh provincial government. If Zardari had his way, he would induct the members of the terrorist organization into the federal cabinet too.

Reports say that the deadlock (another term for MQM‘s latest round of blackmail) was broken after Zardari talked to terror boss Altaf Hussain over telephone yesterday (daily Times) and his point man Rehman Malik had talks with an MQM representative.

This would be the most condemnable act of the PPP leadership if it rewarded the fascist group with ministerial positions instead of holding independent probe into the recent killings and arson activities in Karachi and bringing the culprits to face the law. The PPP should have by now actually announced an independent probe into the May 12 Karachi massacre, Nishtar Park and October 18 Benazir Bhutto rally bombings.

One wonders why Zardari and his close associates are not listening to the voices of their voters and instead giving more weight to the advices from Musharraf and US diplomats. Why don’t they realize that Musharraf is a disgraced dictator and anyone who sides with him or his collaborators like MQM would loose any esteem in the masses?

Looks PPP leadership has not learnt a thing from its blunders of 1988. If it had, it won’t be repeating them. Well, who knows? It may end up with the same fate.

There is another perplexing thing about the PPP leadership: it is true that the party has stood to dictatorships in the past and its leaders and workers have offered tremendous sacrifices. Then why is it that the PPP leaders and workers are not standing up to Zardari and telling him not to associate himself with Musharraf, his collaborators like MQM and not to listen to the advices from US envoys? And that he should be unambiguous in his alliance with the democratic forces and immediately act to restore pre-November 3, 2007 judiciary and release all political prisoners.

Would any principled PPP leaders and workers stand up and be counted?

Lahore demonstration against MQM

Lahore demonstration against MQM

By Farooq Tariq

On Thursday, over 3000 lawyers demonstrated in Lahore against the brutal burning of 6advocates in Karachi by MQM gangsters.

We wrote around 20 playcards against the killings. It was "no to MQM killings, Musharaf MQM a gang of murderers, MQM is a fascist organisation, No to MQM fascism, It was not fight between two lawyers group but a planned attack by MQM, murderer the MQM"

We were around fifty altoghether when we arrived at Awan Adal, here the Lahore Bar Association had planned to take out the demonstration.

We went inside the hall where speakers were condemning the Karachi killings. There were over a dozen women activist of LPP with us. We all stood in a line holding the playcards inside the hall. The advocates were reading the playcard with a real anger in their eyes. Then one of us raised a slogan, no to MQM murderers, the response was messaive. It uplifted the mood of anger.

We came out of the hall with the advocates and the emotions were very high so were the slogans. May be not a single lawyer who was not participating in raising the slogans.

At Lahore High Court, several hundreds more joined us. The media was around our contingent all the time. They were taking the pictures of our playcards which had very clear message and has caught the mood of tghe demonstrators.
At Charing Cross on Mall Road, the highly charged demonstration ended. The defensive mood of some after the beating of Sher Afghan Niazi, a former minister, had changed into a real anger against the dictatorship.

We were the only group carrying playcards. It helped to change the mood and a clear message of fighting back.

The BBC and several others printed the playcards and several private television channels showed the footage of the demonstration.

In the afternoon, another demonstration along with CMKP activists and lawyers was organised at Shimla Pehari Chouck.

We received several calls by the lawyers thanking for participating at a crucial time.

The Balance Sheet of Boycott strategy and PPP government

The Balance Sheet of Boycott strategy and PPP government

By: Farooq Tariq

The All Parties Democratic Movement (APDM) boycotted the general elections on the appeal of the Pakistan Bar Council, arguing that “After 3 November 2007 imposition of emergency, most of the top judges have been suspended and put under house arrest. The measure is mainly to stop the top judges from making a decision on General Musharaf’s election as president. This is also to ensure that the regime gets favorable results from future general elections.”

The Pakistan Peoples Party was the first party to declare that it would not observe the boycott. Benazir Bhutto Shaheed had returned to Pakistan and earlier had held several rounds of talks with the military dictatorship about power sharing in a new government. Unlike past political tradition, these talks were open and regularly commented upon in the mainstream media.

Mian Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PMLN) initially joined the boycott camp. But Nawaz Sharif decided to take part in the election, offering the argument that he could not leave the field open to other major parties, like the PPP and Awami National Party (ANP), which opted to participate.

The argument put forth by the PPP, ANP and PMLN in favor of participating was based on using the elections to get rid of the General Musharraf’s military dictatorship. The APDM did not buy the argument but said the fraud election that would be used to legitimize the dictatorship. It argued that a mass movement alongside the lawyer’s movement would rid the country of the dictatorship.

Both camps started their campaign, one arguing to boycott and other saying that the elections would be rigged. Dozens of press conferences and public statements by the PPP and PMLN leadership warned that the Musharraf regime was making plans to rig the elections. Benazir Bhutto constantly repeated this charge. For their part, the APDM, in their massive public rallies, threatened that if the regime rigged the election, a mass movement will immediately respond.

Ten days before the elections, Benazir Bhutto was assassinated. With the Musharaf regime unable to provide the necessary security for the PPP’s top leader, the massive outpouring crystallized as anti-Musharaf sentiment. Had the PPP leadership demanded Musharaf’s immediate resignation, he would have had no option but to go.

However, the day following Benazir’s assassination, Amin Fahim, senior vice chairperson of the PPP, announced that there will be no emotional decision about participating in the elections. Three days later, the PPP leadership announced their decision to participate in the election. Their political agenda was to work alongside Musharaf, and share power with him, not to get rid of him. Their decision to go ahead with the election put water on the fire and worked to pacify the mood of rebellion.

Added to the political crisis, following Benazir’s assassination, was a economic crisis. Combining one of the worse shortages of electricity, gas and wheat flour with a massive price hike on all food, and tripling of the price of cooking oil, convinced many to oppose General Musharaf.

The APDM boycott appeal met differently at different places. In Punjab and Sind, it did not have much effect and people went to poll to defeat Musharaf. The MQM, using its neo-fascist tactics, was able to hold on in Karachi but the rest of Musharaf’s supporters were defeated.

In Baluchistan and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), where religious fundamentalists have been in power since the 2002 elections, the boycott campaign was able to break up the MMA alliance of religious fundamentalists. Believed to be work of several intelligence agencies, the alliance initially appeared to some as an anti-imperialist platform, and thus gave false hope to many. But the alliance was shattered under the heat of boycott as the Jamaat Islami (JI) joined the APDM.

While the JUI of Fazal Rehman, closely associated with the Musharaf regime, wanted to take part in the elections, the JI was under the immense pressure of lawyer’s movement and opted to boycott. The strategy of the religious fundamentalist forces having a united voice proved impossible to maintain.

Some commentators have concluded that the rejection of Musharraf regime in the general election indicates the boycott campaign was useless. Others argued that it paved the way for the victory of the PMLQ, Musharaf’s supporters, in Baluchistan. Still others concluded that the boycott campaign aided Musharaf’s supporters in the elections. But all these arguments have been washed away with the political development unfolding in Pakistan today.

The boycott campaign helped the anti-Musharaf votes to be shared by only three political parties, PPP, PMLN and ANP. The balance sheet of the boycott campaign reveals the PPP to be in power at the center. It shares power with other parties in all four provinces.

However, in Baluchistan it is forming a government of its own, with a lone opposition member. Yet it was here that the APDM was accused of bringing Musharaf supporters to power! Had the powerful nationalist parties of Baluchistan taken part in the elections, PPP might have taken one or two seats at the most in the province.

Who helps who is now very clear? The masses supported PPP and PMLN ANP against Musharaf and now, the PPP leadership is making alliances with the pro Musharaf parties like MQM. This shows very clearly the future trends of politics.

Subsequent to the installation of the new government at the Centre, Ahmad Mukhtar, the foreign minister and PPP leader, told a private television channel on 3 April 2008 that his party will work with Musharaf and announced that, in fact, Musharaf has introduced some good policies to curb the growing incidents of terrorism.

By announcing some radical measures, restoring trade unions and student unions, upping the minimum wage of 6000 Rupees ($100) a month and not saying a single word against Musharaf, the PPP leadership has signaled that “something can be done with Musharaf as well.”

Still the government is committed to the same economic polices as General Musharaf. It praises the market economy and privatization, event appointing a privatization minister. Mr. Naveed Qamar, who was a minister of privatization during 1994-96, will take the job once more, this time claiming privatization will be carried out in a transparent process.

The PPP leadership is trying its best to save the life of a dying and isolated military dictatorship. But this is being done against the wishes of all who voted in the February elections. While the PPP leadership seems intent to organize a safe transition for the military generals and officers and the managers of economy who have played with the lives of millions, the people went to the polls with the slogan “GO Musharaf GO.”

And Musharaf will go. The lawyers’ movement is still strong and the restoration of the judges is the most popular demand. Meanwhile the
PPP leadership is creating confusion and disillusionment even among their own ranks. One clear example is in Sind province where the government is composed of the PPP leadership and the MQM, a major party that went hand-in-hand with Musharaf for all eight years. The MQM was responsible for the murder of over 100 PPP and ANP workers on 12 May 2007, when they gave the order to open fire on those welcoming the chief justice. This MQM-PPP alliance will weaken the PPP.

Another central issue is the PPP government’s efforts to implement a neoliberal agenda and go along with American Imperialism and its goals in the region. The reality is that PPP is a feudal-dominated capitalist party that creates an illusion among the masses from time to time that it is a populist party. In the face of reality, illusions do not live long.

It is high time to build a party of the working class with a politics of working class. It is time to oppose those willing to go along with the agenda of American imperialism. It is time to unite the forces of the Left and organize the peasants and workers on a class basis. It is time to put on trial those whose corruption and desire for power have ruined the lives of the majority. It is time to stand for justice. ENDS
Farooq Tariq
spokesperson Labour Party Pakistan 40-Abbot Road Lahore, Pakistan Tel: 92 42 6315162 Fax: 92 42 6271149 Mobile: 92 300 8411945
labour_party@ yahoo.com www.laborpakistan. org www.jeddojuhd. com
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