Washington escalates Pakistan's civil war

Washington escalates Pakistan's civil war

By Linda Waldron

On October 25, Major-General Tariq Khan, commander of Pakistan’s paramilitary Frontier Corps (FC), announced that his officers had captured Loi Sam, a key Taliban stronghold in the Bajaur region, part of the Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Eleven days earlier, US officials had released a public version of a National Intelligence Estimate (NIE), compiled by the CIA and 15 other US spy agencies, complaining that “the Pakistani military is reluctant to launch an all-out campaign against the Islamists”. The 80,000-strong FC is commanded by regular Pakistani army officers, who serve for a period of two to three years.

The FC’s offensive into Bajaur began in early August. By October the FC claimed control over 70% of the region. Pakistani officials announced that “1500 militants” had been killed but only 73 Pakistani FC soldiers had died. No official figures regarding civilian casualties have been released but eyewitnesses report high civilian casualties from Pakistani airstrikes.

Since mid-August the US military has attacked Bajaur 12 times. On September 3, Afghanistan-based US special forces troops invaded a village in the FATA’s South Waziristan region to kill “suspected terrorists”. This was the first officially acknowledged use of US ground forces in Pakistan. Local police reported that at least 15 villagers, including women and children, were killed in the US raid.

On September 10 Pakistani chief of staff General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani described the US operation as “reckless” and said that Pakistan’s territorial integrity “will be defended at all cost and no external force is allowed to conduct operations … inside Pakistan”. Kayani’s comments were applauded by the Pakistani public and his comments were echoed by government officials who had previously been reluctant to speak on the issue.

In the weeks following the September 3 attack, the US military stepped up air strikes into the FATA by pilotless drones. Pakistan’s border area was invaded four times by US ground troops. On September 25, Admiral Michael Mullen, head of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, announced that Pakistani troops had fired on two US helicopters that were supporting US ground troops. Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari denied this, instead claiming that the Pakistani troops fired warning flares.

The US incursions into Pakistan prompted many media analysts to query whether Washington was planning to declare war on its longtime ally. The public release in mid-September of a presidential order made in July authorising US strikes inside Pakistan without seeking authorisation from the Pakistani government, spurred the media speculation. It is, however, nothing new for the US military to operate unilaterally inside Pakistan’s borders. Since 2002, Washington has routinely sent pilotless drones over Pakistan’s tribal areas to collect intelligence and fire missiles at suspected “terrorist” targets.

On a number of occasions the Pakistani government covered for these operations by claiming responsibility for the attacks. Pakistani authorities only denounced US military operations inside Pakistan when they resulted in large numbers of civilian casualties, such as occurred in the abortive attempt to assassinate al-Qaeda leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri in 2006.

Raids by US ground troops do imply a more aggressive US military policy in the border regions, but do not suggest Washington regards the Pakistani government as a new enemy in its so called “Global War on Terror”. Zardari has repeatedly shown himself to be as close an ally of Washington as his predecessor, Pakistani military dictator General Pervez Musharraf. On October 4 Zardari, who became president in early September after his Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) won a landslide win in country’s February parliamentary elections, told the Wall Street Journal: “I am not going to fall for this position that it’s an unpopular thing to be an American friend. I am an American friend.”

Zardari demonstrated his support for US political interests by inviting the US-imposed Afghan President Hamid Karzai to attend his inauguration on September 10. At a joint media conference afterwards, Zardari and Karzai vowed to co-operate in fighting “terrorism”, code for endorsing the US-led war against the Taliban-led Afghan resistance to the imperialist occupation of Afghanistan. Replying to a question about the the withdrawal of some of 145,000 US troops occupying Iraq and their redeployment in Afghanistan, Zardari said: “Asking the US to leave Afghanistan is a luxury that we cannot afford.”

Zardari’s domestic policies also reflect his eagerness to defend US imperialist interests. Although the PPP came into government on the back of the judges and lawyer-led pro-democracy movement against Musharraf, Zardari has failed to reinstate the Supreme Court judges illegally ousted by Musharraf. Zardari has vowed to restore them but remains silent on the fate of former Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry, whose sacking by Musharraf sparked the pro-democracy movement. Chaudhry proved a block to US corporate interests by opposing the planned privatisation of Pakistan Steel Mills Corporation.

The global financial crisis has driven Zardari’s new civilian government into seeking closer financial ties with the US government. By the end of October, Pakistan had US$3 billion in foreign currency reserves, only enough for one month’s supply of imported food and oil. The government’s top economic adviser, banker Shaukat Tareen, warned on October 20 that Pakistan urgently needed $4 billion in foreign loans, and up to $8 billion would be needed by the government to repay sovereign debts due to mature in 2009.

A US official who participated in drafting the NIE told reporters in Washington on October 14 that it portrayed the situation in Pakistan as being “on the edge” of economic and political collapse. Another US official summarised the NIE’s conclusions about the state of Pakistan as “No money, no energy, no government”.

The US Treasury-dominated International Monetary Fund has promised assistance of up to $6 billion to help Pakistan meet its immediate balance of payments needs. Reuters reported on October 29 that an IMF aid “package is usually contractionary and often involves cutting spending, raising taxes, accelerating privatisation, increasing interest rates, and exchange rate flexibility to correct fiscal and external imbalances and control inflation”. Mushtaq Khan, a London-based economist for CitiBank, told Reuters that Islamabad had already moved to eliminate fuel subsidies. “As subsidies have been cut”, Reuters reported, “Pakistan has raised retail fuel prices seven times since February and electricity rates have almost doubled.”

The October 29 International Herald Tribune reported that as a result, Pakistan is facing “the worst energy crisis in its 61-year history, with electricity cuts in the past year routinely averaging up to six hours a day during peak hours, contributing to widespread unrest and protests by angry residents and businesses.

“Demonstrations are a monthly occurrence in the business hub, Karachi, which suddenly goes black for a third of the day. The power cuts have added further strain to a country already coping with high food and fuel prices, crimping the economy. They have also led to water shortages, since most of the country’s water pumps run on electricity …

“A decade ago, Pakistan had a power surplus and was exporting energy to India. But a near-total neglect of investment in the industry under former President Pervez Musharaff, combined with economic growth of near 7 percent a year from 2003 until last year, and the emergence of a prosperous middle class snapping up electrical appliances, from refrigerators to DVD players, reversed the situation.”

While Islamabad and Washington are in political accord, the overriding influence of the Pakistani military has complicated US military objectives in Afghanistan. Washington has long been pressuring Islamabad to destroy Taliban bases inside Pakistan and has been frustrated by the Pakistan military’s seeming reluctance to wage all-out war on Islamist militias.

The military’s apparent reluctance derives from its ambiguous relationship with the Isalamists. The Pakistani military, which has ruled the country for 33 of Pakistan’s 61-year history, sees itself as the protector of the Pakistani Islamic state, so its interests have often coincided with those of the Islamists. Furthermore, the Pakistani military recruited and armed Islamic militias to help fight the war with India over Kashmir. The army also encouraged the spread of Islamism in the Afghan border regions in order to suppress Pashtu nationalism. The military’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency helped secure the Taliban’s 1996 victory in Kabul, with the assistance of CIA-supplied funds.

After 9/11, when Musharraf publicly supported Washington’s “Global War on Terror”, some Islamists in the Pakistan army and the ISI resigned, others were demoted or executed, but many remained. Musharraf used Islamists inside and outside the military as political buffers against the civilian parties, enabling unprecedented electoral victories for Islamist parties in the border areas in 2002. A September 2006 accord between Musharraf and Islamists in North Waziristan effectively handed control of the region to pro-Taliban groups.

The Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) siege in July 2007 signalled a turning point in the relations between Islamists and the military government. The Rangers military police lay siege to a state-sponsored mosque attached to an Islamabad madrassa. During the week-long siege, women and children were held hostage by Islamists inside the mosque and over 100 students and clerics were killed. Eleven soldiers died and 40 were wounded. Previously the Pakistani state had condoned the Wahabi version of Islam preached at the mosque and ignored a series of increasingly provocative actions taken by the mosque leadership.

Embarrassed when the mosque’s morality militia abducted six Chinese workers from a massage parlour, Musharraf’s government decided to make an example of the sect. The military’s assault on the mosque incensed Pakistani Islamists and Taliban supporters issued fatwas against Musharraf while suicide bombers attacked military targets.

In July 2007 over 2000 Pakistani soldiers were deployed into the Swat Valley in the North West Frontier Province to fight pro-Taliban militias. At first the army remained inactive, allegedly intimidated by the militias’ ability to capture soldiers. But in November 2007 the army began a major offensive into the region.

The army’s contradictory orientation to Islamism underscores Washington’s suspicions about its willingness to fight the Taliban and its Pakistani supporters. Washington also lacks confidence in the Pakistan military’s ability to conduct counter-insurgency warfare. It is these twin concerns that explain the recent escalation of US military activity inside Pakistani territory.

Despite the Pakistan army’s public opposition to these US operations, military co-operation between the two states continues to advance. In early September Washington announced a plan to supply Pakistan with 18 new F16 fighter planes. In mid-October the US sent 25 military personnel to train Pakistan’s Frontier Corps in counter-insurgency techniques. On October 16 the US commander in Afghanistan, General David McKiernan, and the Afghan and Pakistani chiefs of staff, General Bismullah Khan and General Kayani, held a tri-national strategic planning meeting.

On October 14 US officials informed McClatchy Newspapers that Kayani sought political cover from Zardari’s civilian government for a major anti-insurgency crackdown. This political cover was duly delivered on October 22 when all 16 parliamentary parties endorsed a new resolution for a national offensive against “terrorism”. Kayani welcomed the resolution saying Pakistan’s role in the War on Terror “is indicative of an emerging consensus in Pakistan that terrorism has to be squarely addressed with the help of the people”. The resolution gives the green light for military occupation of the semi-autonomous tribal regions.

The US raids into Pakistan’s territory have therefore advanced the military objectives of both Washington and Islamabad. It is the oppressed tribal peoples in the border regions who will continue to pay the price for the US-Pakistan alliance.

http://www.directaction.org.au/issue6/washington_escalates_pakistan_civil_war

No support for religious fanatics and imperialists

No support for religious fanatics and imperialists

By: Farooq Tariq


The 2 October suicidal attack on Asfand Yar Wali Khan,s Hujra in Charsada and the 20/9 deadly attack in Islamabad must be condemned by all. So is the case of all the suicidal attacks all over. There must not be any pretext, rationalization or any foundation for such an attack. These are gutless acts by groups claiming to be anti imperialist. The sheer volume of dynamite, over 800 kilogram, used in 20/9 suicidal attack shows that it is not a work of an isolated group. It could be an Alqaida work or a group having similar power and resources.

However, these attacks have created a ground for an all out brutalities by the Pakistani government and the American imperialism against the ordinary citizens in all parts of Pakistan. Any act of individual terrorism can only create a puzzlement, confusion, bafflement, disappointments, panic, alarm, fright, dread, and fear for the time being. In most cases, the state forces immediately reorganize it to respond to these attacks.

It is now feared that whole sale arrests will be made. More people will disappear. Many more will be killed in "defensive" attacks. There could be ban on public gatherings. "Democratic" government of Asif Zardari will be more closely linked with American imperialism. They will go even further in embracing the so-called war on terror. All sort of autocratic, tyrannical and vicious measure will be on the agenda without any hesitation. People like Rehman Malik, the unelected interior adviser (who has powers more than a minister) will do all sort of dictatorial measures on the name of security of Pakistan and the nation.

The killing of two American soldiers and Ambassador of Czech republic during the blast will give an open hand to American imperialism to have an open military basis in Pakistan. It was already agreed that Pakistan will have American military experts based near Islamabad to train the Pakistan military and police officers in curbing the threat of terrorism. This was the first time a public acceptance of American military official presence in Pakistan. The move came after American forces landed in tribal areas on 3 September to kill over 20 "suspected terrorist". Later it was revealed that women and children of a Mullah was the target in this attack. There were other four direct attacks by the Americans inside Pakistan within two weeks of this incident despite the duplicitous hue and cry by the Pakistan Peoples Party government. American commander in chief of army was quick to pay a visit to Islamabad and after talks it was agreed that American will not attack directly inside Pakistan. "We will do the job" was the offer of the Pakistani military chief. Few hours later of these talks of assurances of no more attacks, another American attack killed over 20 again.

The Inside Help

All this was happening within a week of this deadly attack in Islamabad. The 20/9 attack has left whole Pakistan in shock. It was clear that the religious fundamentalist could not do this without an "inside" help. Pakistani military intelligence agencies are littered with elements of religious fanatics. They can not get rid of their past. They had helped to form groups of religious fanatics in Afghanistan on the name of Jihad in early eighties against the threat of communism. That went on openly till 9/11. It is absolute clear that Pakistan military agencies had a lot to contribute in the formation of these religious groups. Those linkages are still not broken in absolute terms.

The changing relationship

After 9/11, the relationship of these forces changed publicly. Those who were friends were declared enemies. Most of the Inter Services Intelligence agents among the civilians doing a holy job paid a high price of their association with ISI. They were either sold to Americans or handed over to please them. Majority of the missing persons after 9/11 are those who had once conducted Jihad to please God and their families with American Dollars.

While helping the Missing persons families during 2007/2008, I found out that majority of the missing persons were closely associated with ISI and were paid regular amounts by the intelligence agencies to feed their families. The ISI had the lists and after 9/11 went on rampage. I heard many relatives crying, " why are they doing it, they were our friends, we have done a job for the country and gone for Jihad when they needed us, why are they ditching us, where are our loved ones, why they have disappeared and so on?

Friends becoming enemies

When a friend becomes an enemy, it creates more pain. That is what had happened in Pakistan. The state and the religious forces were friends. They became enemies at least in public for some times after 9/11. The reasons were not explained. The relationship went on for some time without hurting each other. They both believed that they can fool the American imperialism. The Musharraf dictatorship played both ways. For years after 9/11, it ensured the American imperialism that he is the best to deal with the religious fundamentalist and got a lot of financial help. However, this stage management could not go on very long. Musharraf dictatorship was seen an unproductive force to deal with the religious fanatics. A deal with Benazir Bhutto was agreed to share power. Benazir Bhutto unfortunate death on 27 December 2007 changed the relationship of PPP with Musharraf, but not with the Americans. It was clear that General has Musharraf gone on 18 August 2008 but not his policies.

Pakistan Peoples Party government went further in cooperation with American imperialism than even Musharraf could think of. It was during their seven months rule that American dared to attack directly inside Pakistan. The Americans knew if Musharraf could not do it, how Zardari, the husband of Benazir, could do it. They had to do it themselves. They can only kill people but not the ideas of religious fundamentalism.

The religious fundamentalist, roots and strategies

When analyzing religious fundamentalism, one must understand that the religion of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism are not the same. Islamic fundamentalism is a reactionary non scientific movement aimed at returning society to a centuries old social set up, defying all material and historical factors. It is an attempt to roll back the wheel of history.

Fundamentalism is a political and not social or religious phenomenon. It is best defined as counter-thesis of modernism. Partly, the growth of religious fundamentalism owes to its peculiar regional and national conditions- Pakistan is not a national state. It is an unnatural and unhistorical country with its borders drawn in the name of religion. Religion was and still is, used to provide a rationale for the country.


The religious fundamentalist groups organized in Mutihida Majlas Amal (MMA) were in power in NWFP during 2002-2007. They had got a massive electoral boast during the 2002 general elections under Musharraf. The 9/11 was afresh in mind. People wanted to go for revenge from the imperialists. General Musharraf also wanted to go a dual game. On one side he wanted to show the Americans the massive power base of the religious fundamentalists to get more aid. On the other hand, the relationship of the state and religious groups were not broken yet and the Musharraf dictatorship provided the needed state help for the religious groups.

The recent growth of Taliban

MMA once in power also played a dual game. They were not challenging the dictatorial rule of General Musharraf. They were all busy to provide all sort of help to those religious groups busy organizing themselves in Afghanistan against the NATO occupation. It was during these years when Taliban of Afghanistan had a place to hide and organise. The influence of Taliban started growing during the power period of MMA in NWFP. However, the Mullahs, once in power forgot all that what was told to them by the religion. They became part of the game. They made money.

The rich politician coming to power can hide their corruption easily but the Mullahs were seen by ordinary people growing in their wealth, and were driving in the most expensive jeeps and cars. They were once from them. The five years power in the province brought them too far from the people's life. They started living in expensive homes and hotels. A lot of land was allotted to their close relations. Finally, they were loosing the social base that they had enjoyed after 9/11. The MMA leadership provided no jobs or the peace in the area that was the need of the hour.

Loosing parliamentary majority

Come, the general election of 2007. The MMA was divided at the time. Jamaat Islami wanted to boycott the election on the bases of their long term strategy. They knew very well that they can not repeat the successes in parliamentary field that they had done in 2002. The Jamiat Ulemai Islam (JUI) of Fazal Rehman could not repeat the same success story of 2002. They ended up less than 3 percent of the total votes. It was over 15 percent of MMA in 2002.

Defeated in the parliamentary field, several new groups emerged to take an old road of Jihad. The religious fanatic groups escalated their effort of Jihad after the 2008 votes. The main target of these fanatics were mainly ANP and PPP before and after the general elections of February 2008.

The failure of negotiation

The masses in NWFP voted in favor of ANP and PPP in the hope of peace. The main slogan of ANP was peace. After the elections, however, instead of mobilizing the masses for peace, the ANP leadership took a road of negotiations. This was a wrong policy. It had been tested time and again and failed. You can not negotiate with the neo fascist trends. The fanatics do not believe in democracy. They believe in the physical elimination of the political opponents. The ANP leadership even went to accept the implantation of "Sharia" in trade of peace. The process of implantation of "Sharia" is itself a violent act. How could the "Sharia" implementation would bring peace in the region? This strategy of ANP and PPP brought even more disaster. Some of the known religious fanatics were released under the deal. They all went to make the time lost in prisons.

The religious fanatics went on all out war. They organized suicidal attacks, target killings and burning of the schools and other public institutions. They made the life of the locals hell. The suicidal attack on WAH ordinance factory killing over 100 workers opened the eyes of many. There started a new process, a process of countering the religious fanatics by themselves. The locals had also lost all hopes on ANP and PPP coalition provincial and federal government to bring peace.

The emergence of Awami lashkars

The Pakistani Taliban Tehreek, one of the new but the main religious fundamentalist organization and other fanatic groups are facing a massive resistance not by the state, but by the locals. In almost all areas, Awami Lashkar (Peoples Army) are been organized to fight these fanatics. The local life is been destroyed since the escalation of the war in these areas.
Many Taliban have been dealt by these Lashkars in the villages. This has emerged as a new hope for many. These Lashkars are sometime working hands in hands with the state forces. However there are many cases where an independent initiative is taken by the local civil society actors.

In Dir district, over 20,000 have joined such a Lashkar. In Swat valley, while thousands were protesting against the continuous bombing and killings, three persons were killed by army firing. They thousands were breaking the curfew. These Lashkars are also killing the known Taliban. Welcome by many, these Lashkars are also creating a civil war like situation all over. The violent responses of these private counter armies to Taliban are creating some immediate relief but it can not last without the intervention and support of the state. However, the creation of these Lashkars shows a vote of no confidence on the state actors.

What to do?

We must oppose the both, the religious fanatics and imperialist forces. Siding with any one is a recipe of political suicide. They both are not friends of ordinary people. We must create and establish an independent voice of the working people. We must build up a movement of working people to oppose the both particularly in the areas where there are growth of religious fundamentalism. We must not abandon the people on the mercy of the both.

The policies of the present civil government to side publicly and openly with the American imperialism and its so-called war on terror and neo liberal agenda are a real help for the growth of the religious fundamentalists. With the continuation of these policies, one can not expect that the fanatics will end their war and they will be defeated. May be defeated for the time being by military operations, they will come out in new areas with new faces and organizations. You can not kill ideas.

The civil society actors do not have to repeat the mistakes that some of them did after 9/11. They supported the occupation of Afghanistan in the hope that it will end religious fanatics. That did not happen. Let us not do it now, Let oppose the military actions, and the actions of the fanatics in one breath. There is nothing good to choose from them. There is no progressive action by any one of them.


Farooq Tariq
spokesperson Labour Party Pakistan 40-Abbot Road Lahore, Pakistan Tel: 92 42 6315162 Fax: 92 42 6271149 Mobile: 92 300 8411945
labour_party@ yahoo.com www.laborpakistan. org www.jeddojuhd. com

Arundhati Roy on Kashmir

Land and freedom
Kashmir is in crisis: the region's Muslims are mounting huge non-violent protests against the Indian government's rule. But, asks Arundhati Roy, what would independence for the territory mean for its people?

Arundhati Roy
The Guardian,
Friday August 22 2008

For the past 60 days or so, since about the end of June, the people of Kashmir have been free. Free in the most profound sense. They have shrugged off the terror of living their lives in the gun-sights of half a million heavily armed soldiers, in the most densely militarised zone in the world.

After 18 years of administering a military occupation, the Indian government's worst nightmare has come true. Having declared that the militant movement has been crushed, it is now faced with a non-violent mass protest, but not the kind it knows how to manage. This one is nourished by people's memory of years of repression in which tens of thousands have been killed, thousands have been "disappeared" , hundreds of thousands tortured, injured, and humiliated. That kind of rage, once it finds utterance, cannot easily be tamed, rebottled and sent back to where it came from.

A sudden twist of fate, an ill-conceived move over the transfer of 100 acres of state forest land to the Amarnath Shrine Board (which manages the annual Hindu pilgrimage to a cave deep in the Kashmir Himalayas) suddenly became the equivalent of tossing a lit match into a barrel of petrol. Until 1989 the Amarnath pilgrimage used to attract about 20,000 people who travelled to the Amarnath cave over a period of about two weeks. In 1990, when the overtly Islamist militant uprising in the valley coincided with the spread of virulent Hindu nationalism (Hindutva) in the Indian plains, the number of pilgrims began to increase exponentially. By 2008 more than 500,000 pilgrims visited the Amarnath cave, in large groups, their passage often sponsored by Indian business houses. To many people in the valley this dramatic increase in numbers was seen as an aggressive political statement by an increasingly Hindu-fundamentalis t Indian state. Rightly or wrongly, the
land transfer was viewed as the thin edge of the wedge. It triggered an apprehension that it was the beginning of an elaborate plan to build Israeli-style settlements, and change the demography of the valley.

Days of massive protest forced the valley to shut down completely. Within hours the protests spread from the cities to villages. Young stone pelters took to the streets and faced armed police who fired straight at them, killing several. For people as well as the government, it resurrected memories of the uprising in the early 90s. Throughout the weeks of protest, hartal (strikes) and police firing, while the Hindutva publicity machine charged Kashmiris with committing every kind of communal excess, the 500,000 Amarnath pilgrims completed their pilgrimage, not just unhurt, but touched by the hospitality they had been shown by local people.

Eventually, taken completely by surprise at the ferocity of the response, the government revoked the land transfer. But by then the land-transfer had become what Syed Ali Shah Geelani, the most senior and also the most overtly Islamist separatist leader, called a "non-issue".

Massive protests against the revocation erupted in Jammu. There, too, the issue snowballed into something much bigger. Hindus began to raise issues of neglect and discrimination by the Indian state. (For some odd reason they blamed Kashmiris for that neglect.) The protests led to the blockading of the Jammu-Srinagar highway, the only functional road-link between Kashmir and India. Truckloads of perishable fresh fruit and valley produce began to rot.

The blockade demonstrated in no uncertain terms to people in Kashmir that they lived on sufferance, and that if they didn't behave themselves they could be put under siege, starved, deprived of essential commodities and medical supplies.
To expect matters to end there was of course absurd. Hadn't anybody noticed that in Kashmir even minor protests about civic issues like water and electricity inevitably turned into demands for azadi, freedom? To threaten them with mass starvation amounted to committing political suicide.

Not surprisingly, the voice that the government of India has tried so hard to silence in Kashmir has massed into a deafening roar. Raised in a playground of army camps, checkpoints, and bunkers, with screams from torture chambers for a soundtrack, the young generation has suddenly discovered the power of mass protest, and above all, the dignity of being able to straighten their shoulders and speak for themselves, represent themselves. For them it is nothing short of an epiphany. Not even the fear of death seems to hold them back. And once that fear has gone, of what use is the largest or second largest army in the world?

There have been mass rallies in the past, but none in recent memory that have been so sustained and widespread. The mainstream political parties of Kashmir - National Conference and People's Democratic party - appear dutifully for debates in New Delhi's TV studios, but can't muster the courage to appear on the streets of Kashmir. The armed militants who, through the worst years of repression were seen as the only ones carrying the torch of azadi forward, if they are around at all, seem content to take a back seat and let people do the fighting for a change.

The separatist leaders who do appear and speak at the rallies are not leaders so much as followers, being guided by the phenomenal spontaneous energy of a caged, enraged people that has exploded on Kashmir's streets. Day after day, hundreds of thousands of people swarm around places that hold terrible memories for them. They demolish bunkers, break through cordons of concertina wire and stare straight down the barrels of soldiers' machine guns, saying what very few in India want to hear. Hum Kya Chahtey? Azadi! (We want freedom.) And, it has to be said, in equal numbers and with equal intensity: Jeevey jeevey Pakistan. (Long live Pakistan.)
That sound reverberates through the valley like the drumbeat of steady rain on a tin roof, like the roll of thunder during an electric storm.

On August 15, India's independence day, Lal Chowk, the nerve centre of Srinagar, was taken over by thousands of people who hoisted the Pakistani flag and wished each other "happy belated independence day" (Pakistan celebrates independence on August 14) and "happy slavery day". Humour obviously, has survived India's many torture centres and Abu Ghraibs in Kashmir.

On August 16 more than 300,000 people marched to Pampore, to the village of the Hurriyat leader, Sheikh Abdul Aziz, who was shot down in cold blood five days earlier.

On the night of August 17 the police sealed the city. Streets were barricaded, thousands of armed police manned the barriers. The roads leading into Srinagar were blocked. On the morning of August 18, people began pouring into Srinagar from villages and towns across the valley. In trucks, tempos, jeeps, buses and on foot. Once again, barriers were broken and people reclaimed their city. The police were faced with a choice of either stepping aside or executing a massacre. They stepped aside. Not a single bullet was fired.

The city floated on a sea of smiles. There was ecstasy in the air. Everyone had a banner; houseboat owners, traders, students, lawyers, doctors. One said: "We are all prisoners, set us free." Another said: "Democracy without freedom is demon-crazy. " Demon-crazy. That was a good one. Perhaps he was referring to the insanity that permits the world's largest democracy to administer the world's largest military occupation and continue to call itself a democracy.

There was a green flag on every lamp post, every roof, every bus stop and on the top of chinar trees. A big one fluttered outside the All India Radio building. Road signs were painted over. Rawalpindi they said. Or simply Pakistan. It would be a mistake to assume that the public expression of affection for Pakistan automatically translates into a desire to accede to Pakistan. Some of it has to do with gratitude for the support - cynical or otherwise - for what Kashmiris see as their freedom struggle, and the Indian state sees as a terrorist campaign. It also has to do with mischief. With saying and doing what galls India most of all. (It's easy to scoff at the idea of a "freedom struggle" that wishes to distance itself from a country that is supposed to be a democracy and align itself with another that has, for the most part been ruled by military dictators. A country whose army has committed genocide in what is now Bangladesh. A country that is even now
being torn apart by its own ethnic war. These are important questions, but right now perhaps it's more useful to wonder what this so-called democracy did in Kashmir to make people hate it so?)

Everywhere there were Pakistani flags, everywhere the cry Pakistan se rishta kya? La illaha illallah. (What is our bond with Pakistan? There is no god but Allah.) Azadi ka matlab kya? La illaha illallah. (What does freedom mean? There is no god but Allah.)

For somebody like myself, who is not Muslim, that interpretation of freedom is hard - if not impossible - to understand. I asked a young woman whether freedom for Kashmir would not mean less freedom for her, as a woman. She shrugged and said "What kind of freedom do we have now? The freedom to be raped by Indian soldiers?" Her reply silenced me.

Surrounded by a sea of green flags, it was impossible to doubt or ignore the deeply Islamic fervour of the uprising taking place around me. It was equally impossible to label it a vicious, terrorist jihad. For Kashmiris it was a catharsis. A historical moment in a long and complicated struggle for freedom with all the imperfections, cruelties and confusions that freedom struggles have. This one cannot by any means call itself pristine, and will always be stigmatised by, and will some day, I hope, have to account for, among other things, the brutal killings of Kashmiri Pandits in the early years of the uprising, culminating in the exodus of almost the entire Hindu community from the Kashmir valley.

As the crowd continued to swell I listened carefully to the slogans, because rhetoric often holds the key to all kinds of understanding. There were plenty of insults and humiliation for India: Ay jabiron ay zalimon, Kashmir hamara chhod do (Oh oppressors, Oh wicked ones, Get out of our Kashmir.) The slogan that cut through me like a knife and clean broke my heart was this one: Nanga bhookha Hindustan, jaan se pyaara Pakistan. (Naked, starving India, More precious than life itself - Pakistan.)

Why was it so galling, so painful to listen to this? I tried to work it out and settled on three reasons. First, because we all know that the first part of the slogan is the embarrassing and unadorned truth about India, the emerging superpower. Second, because all Indians who are not nanga or bhooka are and have been complicit in complex and historical ways with the elaborate cultural and economic systems that make Indian society so cruel, so vulgarly unequal. And third, because it was painful to listen to people who have suffered so much themselves mock others who suffer, in different ways, but no less intensely, under the same oppressor. In that slogan I saw the seeds of how easily victims can become perpetrators.

Syed Ali Shah Geelani began his address with a recitation from the Qur'an. He then said what he has said before, on hundreds of occasions. The only way for the struggle to succeed, he said, was to turn to the Qur'an for guidance. He said Islam would guide the struggle and that it was a complete social and moral code that would govern the people of a free Kashmir. He said Pakistan had been created as the home of Islam, and that that goal should never be subverted. He said just as Pakistan belonged to Kashmir, Kashmir belonged to Pakistan. He said minority communities would have full rights and their places of worship would be safe. Each point he made was applauded.

I imagined myself standing in the heart of a Hindu nationalist rally being addressed by the Bharatiya Janata party's (BJP) LK Advani. Replace the word Islam with the word Hindutva, replace the word Pakistan with Hindustan, replace the green flags with saffron ones and we would have the BJP's nightmare vision of an ideal India.
Is that what we should accept as our future? Monolithic religious states handing down a complete social and moral code, "a complete way of life"? Millions of us in India reject the Hindutva project. Our rejection springs from love, from passion, from a kind of idealism, from having enormous emotional stakes in the society in which we live. What our neighbours do, how they choose to handle their affairs does not affect our argument, it only strengthens it.

Arguments that spring from love are also fraught with danger. It is for the people of Kashmir to agree or disagree with the Islamist project (which is as contested, in equally complex ways, all over the world by Muslims, as Hindutva is contested by Hindus). Perhaps now that the threat of violence has receded and there is some space in which to debate views and air ideas, it is time for those who are part of the struggle to outline a vision for what kind of society they are fighting for. Perhaps it is time to offer people something more than martyrs, slogans and vague generalisations. Those who wish to turn to the Qur'an for guidance will no doubt find guidance there. But what of those who do not wish to do that, or for whom the Qur'an does not make place? Do the Hindus of Jammu and other minorities also have the right to self-determination? Will the hundreds of thousands of Kashmiri Pandits living in exile, many of them in terrible poverty, have the
right to return? Will they be paid reparations for the terrible losses they have suffered? Or will a free Kashmir do to its minorities what India has done to Kashmiris for 61 years? What will happen to homosexuals and adulterers and blasphemers? What of thieves and lafangas and writers who do not agree with the "complete social and moral code"? Will we be put to death as we are in Saudi Arabia? Will the cycle of death, repression and bloodshed continue? History offers many models for Kashmir's thinkers and intellectuals and politicians to study. What will the Kashmir of their dreams look like? Algeria? Iran? South Africa? Switzerland? Pakistan?

At a crucial time like this, few things are more important than dreams. A lazy utopia and a flawed sense of justice will have consequences that do not bear thinking about. This is not the time for intellectual sloth or a reluctance to assess a situation clearly and honestly.

Already the spectre of partition has reared its head. Hindutva networks are alive with rumours about Hindus in the valley being attacked and forced to flee. In response, phone calls from Jammu reported that an armed Hindu militia was threatening a massacre and that Muslims from the two Hindu majority districts were preparing to flee. Memories of the bloodbath that ensued and claimed the lives of more than a million people when India and Pakistan were partitioned have come flooding back. That nightmare will haunt all of us forever.
However, none of these fears of what the future holds can justify the continued military occupation of a nation and a people. No more than the old colonial argument about how the natives were not ready for freedom justified the colonial project.
Of course there are many ways for the Indian state to continue to hold on to Kashmir. It could do what it does best. Wait. And hope the people's energy will dissipate in the absence of a concrete plan. It could try and fracture the fragile coalition that is emerging. It could extinguish this non-violent uprising and re-invite armed militancy. It could increase the number of troops from half a million to a whole million. A few strategic massacres, a couple of targeted assassinations, some disappearances and a massive round of arrests should do the trick for a few more years.

The unimaginable sums of public money that are needed to keep the military occupation of Kashmir going is money that ought by right to be spent on schools and hospitals and food for an impoverished, malnutritioned population in India. What kind of government can possibly believe that it has the right to spend it on more weapons, more concertina wire and more prisons in Kashmir?
The Indian military occupation of Kashmir makes monsters of us all. It allows Hindu chauvinists to target and victimise Muslims in India by holding them hostage to the freedom struggle being waged by Muslims in Kashmir.
India needs azadi from Kashmir just as much as - if not more than - Kashmir needs azadi from India.

Arundhati Roy, 2008. A longer version of this article will be available tomorrow at outlookindia. com.

First-ever home-based women workers union launched in Pakistan

First-ever home-based women workers union launched in Pakistan

By Bushra Khaliq:

The first ever women union, Home-Based Aurat Workers Union Pakistan” (HBAWUP) was launched here at national congress held in Lahore on August 22, 2008. The congress was jointly organized by Women Workers Helpline, Labor Education Foundation and Action Aid Pakistan.

Over 600 home-based women workers representatives from Punjab, Balochistan, Sindh, NWFP and Azad Kashmir participated in the congress. Speaking at the congress the women workers narrated stories of their pathetic working conditions. They expressed hope that the union would help resolve their problems. The congress elected 31-member national committee and 11-member executive committee.

The newly elected office-bearers of the union include; Shahnaz Begum as president, Rozeena Saif as chairwoman, Jameela Baloch as general secretary, Fauzia Imran as information secretary, Shahida Shafeeq as finance secretary and Humaira Qureshi as joint secretary.

A grand women workers rally was followed by this congress. The rally started from congress venue at David Road to Shimla Pahari, Lahore Press Club. The participants were carrying banners and placards. In festive mood they were also chanting slogans in favor of their demands. The rally participants halted for some time in front of Press club to communicate their enthusiasm to media people.

In the afternoon a musical program was organized for the entertainment of the participants. They congratulated and hug each other on the formation of the union. The contentment of being unionized for striving towards achieving their rights & defeating the‘Power of Exploiter” was very much evident from their faces, expressions & actions.

Today, they laughed together, danced together and showed their power in their unionization, as it was THEIR DAY, the day that will surface the right path for them to achieve their goal. They sang songs and danced to the tune of music to celebrate their unity.

Next day on 23 August the union office-bearers held a press conference at Lahore Press club. They told the media that legal recognition should be given to home-based workers across the country and they should also be provided with facility of social security besides granting pension and stipends to their children.

The government should also apply rule of minimum wages level for these workers and ratify ILO Convention 177. Labour laws should also be applied on these workers, they demanded.

They asked for elimination of discriminatory laws against women. They were confident that the union would serve as a national-level platform for over 10 million home-based working women of Pakistan.

It may be mentioned that Pakistan is one of those countries where a large number of women are engaged in home-based work due to poverty and to supplement family income. Over 10 million women workers in Pakistan are engaged in Home-Based Work in sectors like garment, bangle making, shoe stitching, embroidery, carpet weaving, dry fruit picking, jewelry, leather products, steel scissors, mobile covers and prawn shelling.

Though their contribution to economy is 60 percent still they are the most unprivileged part of the society. Their incomes ranged between Rs 10 to Rs 50 (less than one dollar) a day despite the fact that they worked between 12 to 16 hours. They have no social and legal recognition of their work. Working in isolation, they have no rights as workers by law. Long working hours, poor working conditions and family pressure badly affect their health. (Ends)

************ ********* **

Bushra Khaliq
General Secretary
Women Workers Help Line
25/A Davis Road,Lahore, Pakistan.
Ph: 092-42-6363915
fax: 092-42-6363944
E-mail: wwhlpk@yahoo. com

LPP on Musharaf's resignation

A dictator gone but not his policies

By: Farooq Tariq

Thousands across Pakistan celebrated the humiliated departure of dictator Musharaf on 18 August 2008. As he announced his resignation in an unscheduled nationally televised speech of one hour, private television channels showed instant response in all four provinces of jubilation and welcoming the decision. General retired Musharaf resigned as president of Pakistan as he was facing an impeachment move by the Pakistan Peoples Party led ruling alliance of four parties.

For the first time, any political party did not defend General Musharaf after the announcement of the move by the ruling alliance. He was very isolated in political field. Even Mutihida Qaumi Party (MQM) was not ready to defend him publicly, a party that he was associated for long time. All the four provincial assemblies had passed resolutions asking Musharaf to take a fresh vote of confidence from this electoral college of the presidency. Sind and Baluchistan voted unanimously while in Punjab, over 90 and in North West Frontier Province (NWFP) over 98 percent voted against Musharaf.

Such was the revulsion against Musharaf among the masses that many of those who were hand picked politician of General Musharaf decided to abstain from the votes. The resolutions in all four provinces brought the extreme weak social base of the dictator Musharaf supported by nearly nine years by American imperialism.

There were at least four occasions during the last one year alone when general Musharaf would have lost power.

General Musharaf must thanks to PPP leadership to provide him nearly eight more months in power after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto on 27 December 2007. He could have lost the power, if PP leadership had decided to demand an immediate resignation of Musharaf. For five days after the assassination, Pakistan was under siege by the masses. Unfortunately, PPP leadership decided to take part in the general elections.

Earlier, after the restoration of the chief justice of Supreme Court of Pakistan on 20 July 2007, the top judges were indecisive about the fate of general Musharaf and allowed him to contest the election of president in uniform. He was “elected” president for the second time from a parliament, which was elected for five years only. A parliament elected for five year elected the president for ten years. However, the hesitation of the top judges to stop him doing that when challenged in Supreme Court of Pakistan provided him another chance to remain in power. He used the dictatorial powers on 3 November 2007 to suspend all those top judges before the final decision of the Supreme Court.

The outcome of the general elections on 18 February 2008 was totally against general Musharaf. Instead of asking resignation of general Musharaf after the elections, however, the PPP opted to work with him. This gave General Musharaf another chance to remain in power.

The PPP leadership did not restore the top judges within a month of coming into power as was promised. The restoration of top judges would have given the judges a chance to decide on the hearing of some petitions challenging the election of the president Musharaf. Hence, a fourth time was lost.

After implementing highly unpopular economic policies, the PP leadership lost popularity at a historic fast speed. Had they not taken a decision to remove Musharaf, General could have decided to remove the PPP led coalition government. PPP took this popular decision to reverse the gear of unpopularity. This paid off for the time being.

While general Musharaf had the dictatorial powers to remove the parliament at any time, he had lost the social basis for that. He was more unpopular than the leadership of PPP.

The departure of general Musharaf is one of the very good news that was heard after long time in Pakistan. It was defeat of the military generals. A major set back for those political trends always seeking refuge from the military generals. It was very welcome news.

General Musharaf lost the power as the direct result of the mass revulsion against him during the last one half year in particular.

There have been many important struggles against the military rule during the last nine years of general Musharaf. The peasant struggle for land rights at Okara Military Farms during 2001-2005 set the tone of the mood among the most exploited strata of the society. The 10 days national strike by the telecommunication workers against privatization in June 2005 was another manifestation of workers consciousness against the military dictatorship. The successful revolt of the Sindh masse against the building of controversial Kala Bagh Dam, the three days general strike by Sindh and Baluchistan province against the killings of Nawab Akbar Bhugti were the two other important events of struggle. However, these revolts did not have the national character and remained isolated in one or other part of Pakistan.

It was the militant lawyer’s movement after the removal of Chief Justice of Supreme Court of Pakistan on 9 March that was mainly responsible for the departure of the dictatorship. The 80,000 strong lawyer’s movement showed a tremendous energy to continue for over one and half year consistently. The young lawyers played a decisive role in this important movement.

The PPP led coalition government has earned a good respect by this move. However, Musharaf should not leave Pakistan unaccounted. A fare well guard of honor for a dictator even after his resignation showed some glimpse what been agreed under hand. It seems that the dictator Musharaf be offered a safe passage and luxurious retired life after his resignation.

The tradition of a safe passage for the military rulers after the departure from power has to be changed. A very popular demand has been to arrest Musharaf to face charges of murder and other crimes. General Musharaf must be arrested. “Military out of politics” must be the main slogan for future. 32 years out of 62 years of independence of Pakistan have been under the direct military rule. However, no military general yet been tried for the crime of breaking the constitution. The strong social movement in Pakistan at present would not be silenced and satisfied only by the departure of e a military dictator.

After the departure of General Musharaf, a new wave of class struggle will explode in Pakistan. The PPP government would have no excuse of not solving the main question of price hike. The implementation of neo liberal agenda will be challenged by all section of the working class. The PPP led coalition has no other economic plan accept to go the Musharaf way. They want to privatize the remaining public sector institutions. They want to remain partners with the American imperialism in their so-called war on terror. They want to do things that Musharaf could not do openly. They capitalist feudal led coalition government of PPP and PMLN will miserably fail in solving any of the basic problems of the masses.

The coalition honeymoon after the departure of Musharaf dictatorship will last very long. Mian Nawaz Sharif economic policies are no different from the PPP. Anyhow, the strong open support for the judges and for the accountability of the dictator has earned more respect for PMLN than PPP.

PPP have taken back some of the lost ground but not for long. The implementation of neo liberal agenda will clear some of the dust from the face of PPP. An extreme right wing party of the rich cannot base itself on the past reform agenda for long time. The restoration of judges, if done as promised will earn them some more respect. However, that will also be tested in the economic field by the masses. All the measures against the dictatorship are been welcomed by the masses in hope that it will help to end their miserable life. The expectations from the coalition government are much higher now than the past. However, none of this will be met with success. The masses will once again be on the move, this time not on political issues but on economic issues.

A new era of class struggle will be a challenge for the forces of the Left and social movements. The religious fundamentalist forces are in the field. Most of them have been seen wrongly as anti imperialist forces. They are also in the field to enhance their political bases. However, they have no solution the problems facing the masses. The Left forces have to fight against the pro imperialist forces and those who are wrongly seen as anti imperialists. It is a difficult objective condition for the forces of the Left, however, what other options are for the Left apart from fighting back.

A dictator gone but not his policies. That is a real challenge that Labour Party Pakistan and other Left forces are facing at present.

Farooq Tariq
spokesperson Labour Party Pakistan 40-Abbot Road Lahore, Pakistan Tel: 92 42 6315162 Fax: 92 42 6271149 Mobile: 92 300 8411945
labour_party@ yahoo.com www.laborpakistan. org www.jeddojuhd. com

Is Malalai Joya the Bravest Woman in Afghanistan?

http://counterpunch .org/sulehria081 82008.html

Is Malalai Joya the Bravest Woman in Afghanistan?
An Afghan Woman Who Stands Up to the Warlords

By FAROOQ SULEHRIA

Afghanistan lives in the fear of the US-sponsored war lords. These hated warlords are not scared by the Taliban-monster raising its head in the south. Ironically, they live in the fear of an unarmed girl in her late twenties: Malalai Joya. To silence Joya´s defiant voice, war lords dominating national parliament, suspended Joy´s membership for three years in 2007. Earlier, at almost every parliamentary session she attended, she had her hair pulled or physically attacked and called names (`whore´). `They even threatened me in the parliament with rape´, she says. But she neither toned down her criticism of war lords (`they must be tried´) nor US occupation (`war on terror´ is a mockery). Understandably, she´s been declared the `bravest woman in Afghanistan´ and even compared with Aung Sun Suu Kyi.

A household name in Afghanistan (`Most famous woman in Afghanistan´, according to BBC), Joya shot to fame back in 2003 at the Loya Jirga convened to ratify Afghanistan´s new constitution. Unlike US-sponsored clean-shaven fundamentalists, Joya was not nominated but elected by the people of Farah province to represent them. She stunned the Loya Jirga and journalists present on the occasion, when she unleashed a three-minute vitriolic speech exposing the crimes of warlords dominating that Loya Jirga. Grey-bearded Sibghatullah Mojadadi, chairing the Loya Jirga, called her an `infidel´ and a `communist´. Other beards present on the occasion also shouted at her. But before she was silenced by an angry mob of war lords around, she had electrified Afghanistan with her courageous speech.

During the course of these three fateful minutes, the course of Joya´s life was also changed. In her native province of Farah, locals wanted her to represent them in elections. It takes guns and dollars to contest an election in Afghan electoral-battlefie lds. Joya had none. But she could not turn down hundreds of supporters daily paying her visits, urging her to stand. She decided to run for Wolesi Jirga (lower house of national parliament). Danish film maker Eva Mulvad, immortalised Joya´s courageous election campaign and subsequent victory, in her `Enemies of Happiness´ .

I happened to meet Joya in January unexpectedly at a dinner when she reached Peshawar (Pakistan) on her way to Canada. Since her passport has been confiscated and she is on Exit Control List, she had travelled to Pakistan in disguise. Politely refusing my request for an interview on the plea that she got to catch a flight early next morning, she promised to catch up with me in Kabul later in March.

Three months later, we met again in Kabul. As an MP, Joya was entitled to rent a villa in a posh neighbourhood designated to MPs. However, plagued with life threats, Joya hardly visits it. Her comrades discreetly pointed to the villa when we were driving past this neighborhood on our way to an underground home Joya sometimes uses to meet visitors. In an interview, interspersed by a delicious Afghan dinner, and post-dinner chat, this brave woman shared her hopes and fears with Arbetaren. Here are the excerpts.

Have you gone to court against your suspension. Did you contact Karzai against your suspension?

Joya: Here in Afghanistan, we have a mafia running the system. It is the same war lords in the parliament who head the courts. These Northern Alliance warlords dispense justice. I was suspended because I termed Afghan parliament as a stable full of animals. Though I think animals are useful. The warlords want me to apologize for this comment. I refuse to apologize for telling the truth aloud. I don´t see a chance in a court dominated by warlords to do me justice. However, another reason was, for the fear of personal security, no advocate was ready to plead my case. Now a lawyer has agreed to plead my case and I would move the court. (She went to court in April). However, I would tell the court that not me but war lords be brought in the dock.

As far as Hamid Karzai is concerned, he has been shamelessly silent on my suspension by an undemocratic parliament. I never contacted him. He should have contacted me. On the other hand, there were demonstrations across Afghanistan against my suspension. Karzai´s police proved good only at breaking up these demonstrations. But also what Karzai could have done? He is ridiculed by the people of Afghanistan as mayor of Kabul since his control does not extend beyond Kabul.

How come than Karzai is in power and how come you keep declaring Afghan parliament as undemocratic when it has been elected in general elections?

Joya: Well, this is a parliament in which 80 per cent of the members are warlords or drug lords. They either snatched their places in parliament at gun point or bought these seats off with US dollars. In some cases, both guns and dollars played a role. Even Human Rights Watch has accused some leading members of this parliament of war crimes. But this parliament, in a unique move, granted warlords an amnesty against crimes committed during the war. Even Mulla Umar can benefit after this amnesty.

Karzai, who was voted in as a lesser evil, has been co-operating with these criminals all the time. Hence, no wonder if he is unpopular today. But he is sustained in the presidential palace by USA and all the warlords co-operate with the USA:

By the way, one hears more about Karzai´s brother in Kabul than Karzai himself. Every other posh real estate project or every second case of corruption is attributed to the younger Karzai. He is also named when it comes to drug peddling?

Joya: Corruption and drug trafficking have become a big issues. In my view, security is the biggest issue. After that it is corruption. The so-called international community which in fact is US government and its allies, has sent a lot of money. This amount was enough to build two instead of one Afghanistan. But even Karzai himself confesses that the money has ended up in the pockets of ministers, bureaucrats and member parliaments. On the other hand, one hears about a mother in Heart selling her daughter for ten dollars. And not merely the brother of Karzai is a drug lord, foreign troops have been allegedly involved.

Really? Any proof? Press reports?

Joya: Yes some press reports have pointed that out. For instance, Russian state TV has hinted at US troops involvement in drug trafficking. That was reported in the press here. But this is like an open secret. Karzai in one of his speeches last year said that it was not only Afghans who are involved in drug trafficking. He hinted at foreign connections. Though he did not name any country or troops but people in Afghanistan understood what he meant. Now Afghan drugs are finding their way to New York and European capitals. Hence, no wonder today Afghanistan is producing 90 per cent of world opium. This is taking its toll on women. Now we hear about `opium brides´. When harvests fail, peasants are not able to pay back loans to drug lords; they `marry´ their daughters off to warlords instead.

Why is the USA letting all this happen?

Joya: The USA wants the things as they are.The status quo. A bleeding, suffering Afghanistan is a good excuse to prolong its stay. Now they are even embracing the Taliban. Recently, in Musa Qila, a Taliban commander Mulla Salam was appointed as governor by Karzai. The USA has no problem with the Taliban so long as it´s `our Taliban´.

Not merely Karzai, but also all these war lords have been sustained in power by the USA. That is why, when there are demonstrations against war lords, there are also demonstrations against foreign troops. People here believe that the warlords are cushioned by the US troops. If the USA leaves, the warlords will loose power because they have no base among our people. The people of Afghanistan will deal with these warlords once US troops leave Afghanistan.

Don´t you think security situation will get even worse once troops pack off?

Joya: Maybe. But tell the people in Sweden that Swedish troops are helping implement US agenda in Afghanistan. The democracy-loving people of Sweden should rather support democratic forces in Afghanistan and instead of sending soldiers; Sweden should send doctors, nurses, teachers and build schools and hospitals.

'Comrade' Zardari

''Comrade" Zardari

Farooq Sulehria

This is an age of fantastic nonsense. At least, when it comes to politics. By twice electing George Bush as its president, the USA was an unchallenged master, until recently, in the arena of political foolishness.

The USA now stands outmanoeuvred by Socialist International that elected Asif Ali Zardari as its vice-president during its XXIII Congress, (30 June-02 July), held at Athens. Though Zardari's elevation as Socialist International vice-president was hopelessly surprising yet even surprising is Zardari's flirtation with socialism.

After seizing the leadership of Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), he stunned many when he was seen hosting a Socialist International Asia-Pacific meeting in Islamabad on May 30. It was stunning not merely because any left-turn by PPP is impossible. It is surprising since any such turn under Asif Ali Zardari is absurdly unlikely.

Gone are the days when PPP, founded by charismatic Zulfiqar Ali Bhotto, upheld the principals:

Islam is our Faith
Democracy is our politics
Socialism is our Economy
All Power to the People

On coming to power, the first PPP government, headed by Zulfiqar Ali Bhotto, went for nationalization in three phases. In January 1972 and January 1974, banks, petroleum companies and shipping companies, oil refineries besides industries in iron, steel, engineering, chemicals, petrochemicals, cement and public utilities were nationalized.

On July 1, 1976 in yet another drive to nationalize the industry, the government nationalized 2815 cotton, ginning and rice husking units.

Similarly, in 1972 and 1977, land reforms were introduced. 2,826,4000 acres were appropriated. True, the land reforms proved half-hearted and nationalization degenerated into bureaucratisation. However, the first PPP government remains the only administration that introduced reforms benefiting working classes. This, however, does not in any sense make Ali Bhutto's government a socialist one.

On the contrary, the 'socialist measures' by a Bonapartist Bhutto government were aimed at pacifying the charged up working classes while keeping feudalism and capitalism in tact.
He himself candidly dispelled any illusion, on winning 1970 general elections, about his being a socialist. When asked if he received any monetary help from China to contest elections, he stated: ''The most angry people in Pakistan today are the communists for they know I have stopped the tide of communism by introducing Islamic socialism in this country..... ..In fact I have done more to combat communism in Asia than the Americans in spite of all the resources and the money they have piled into this part of the world. Before these elections the choice in Pakistan was a straight one between communism and capitalism'. How true.

The choice even after the elections was 'between communism and capitalism'. Bhotto was mistaken in lulling himself to the belief that he would strike a balance between his class of feudal lords and his electorate of serfs. He realized this mistake too. But only when he had landed himself in a death cell. In 1979, a military dictator sent Bhotto to gallows with tacit support lent by Washington. His murder was a multi-faceted tragedy as,among other things, it reduced PPP to a family heirloom.

Ali Bhutto's successor-daughter, Benazir Bhotto was never a radical or may be she thought it wise to seek shelter underneath the imperial umbrella. That her father had already purged the PPP of left radicals, made it even easy for Benazir Bhotto to eulogise Swedish model as the panacea for all the ills facing Pakistan.

Hence, when she returned from exile in 1986, the one-million crowd that welcomed her in Lahore was chanting in vain: Benazir aai hej, Inqlab lai hej. (Benazir has returned and has brought revolution).
What Benazir had returned with was an agenda for privatization, downsizing, right-sizing. She ruthlessly perused this programme when she came to power in 1988 even if 'Socialism is our Economy ' was still on the PPP statute books.

However, when in 1993, PPP went to elections; it rid even its statute books of 'Socialism is our Economy'.

Her second stint in power has been superbly portrayed by Tariq Ali: ''By the time she was re-elected in 1993, she had abandoned all idea of reform, but that she was in a hurry to do something became clear when she appointed her husband minister for investment, making him responsible for all investment offers from home and abroad. It is widely alleged that the couple accumulated $1.5 billion. The high command of the Pakistan People's Party now became a machine for making money, but without any trickle-down mechanism''.
Surrey Palace, SGS Cotectna, jam-eating horses, gem-studded necklace became catch phrases in Pakistan press and politics. Now an unofficial PPP manifesto had become:

USA is our faith.
Double-speak is our politics
Corruption is our Economy
All power to the Khaki people

The Vice President of Socialist International, Comrade Asif Ali Zardari is a superb delineation of new-PPP statutes. When Benazir Bhotto formed her first government in 1988,that lasted until 1990, he earned himself the sobriquet : Mr Ten Percent.

In three years time, during Benazir's second stint in power (1993-96), he pole-vaulted himself to Mr Cent Percent. And consequently landed himself in jail for almost ten years. It was to secure his release, many believe, that Benazir Bhotto kept on compromising with Musharraf regime.

He was, in due course, released as co-operation between Musharraf and Benazir evolved into a political compromise. Her return to Pakistan, October last year, was a part of this deal. However, on her return she wisely kept Asif Ali Zardari abroad. Alas! all her attempts proved futile. In her murder, a double tragedy struck Pakistan. First, Pakistan was deprived of her only national-level woman leader. Second, Zardari was back in Pakistan and also on the helm of party-government affairs.
Hardly had anybody any illusions in him when he became an unchallenged master of PPP government despite his trimmed down mustache and permanently stretched lips in an attempt to pose a changed image.

No facial re-doing helped him rehabilitate his image damaged beyond repair. But one must praise Master Zardari, whose rise to power every time is always in direct proportion to fall in PPP popularity, for being cagey. The day he came across membership card Benazir Bhutto had secured to enter Socialist club, he decided to give this camaraderie a try. Luckily, Socialist International is no crazy Marxist tendency founded by some V I Linen or Leon Trotsky. A bunch of degenerated social democrats, Socialist International is ready to embrace any party in the third world ready to serve global capital.

Its section in Nepal is pro-monarchy Nepalese Congress. Hence, Zardaris elevation as Socialist International? s vice- president is deservedly in a way.
Nonetheless, it is 'Comrade' Zardari who has benefited. First, he has been able to use the credentials lent by Socialist International to build his image. Secondly, he has sown a confusion among working class and advance layer of PPP activists . Every time Zardari will grace a Socialist International meeting, poor PPP sympathizers will, hoping against hope, expect a left turn. Unfortunately, such a turn will never come. (ends)

Interview with Farooq Tariq

Revolutionary eye on Pakistan: Interview with Farooq Tariq
Direct Action
Issue No.2
July 2008

By Linda Waldron and Ray Fulcher

The Labour Party Pakistan (LPP) is a revolutionary party, founded in 1997, with a membership of around 3000. The LPP has shown inspiring leadership in the struggles against women’s oppression, dictatorship, religious fundamentalism and imperialism in Pakistan. Direct Action spoke to Farooq Tariq, LPP spokesperson, on the current situation in Pakistan.

Following the December 27 assassination of the Pakistan People’s Party leader, Benazir Bhutto, the PPP swept to government in the February 18 general elections. What does the PPP’s victory mean for the dictator, General Musharaf, and more generally for the military?

General Musharaf is still president of the country. The PPP speaks about impeaching him but has not taken any practical steps, simply demanding that Musharaf resign voluntarily. There is no doubt that he is the most hated president in Pakistan’s history. On June18, an American survey put him as the most hated president of any country in the world.

The PPP government does not threaten the economic interests of the military. The 2008/09 federal budget increased defence spending by 20 billion rupees [about A$310 million], which suggests it is “business as usual”. Some military officers have been recalled from civilian posts, but many more still remain. The PPP is the new face of the same economic agenda and priorities of the ousted pro-military government. In fact, the present PPP government has gone further in withdrawing state subsidies in the recent federal budget than even the previous Musharaf-Shoukat government was prepared to go. Price hikes are on the increase as before.

The elections were conducted under “emergency measures” or martial law imposed by Musharaf following the mass upsurge in the pro-democracy movement in March and November 2007. The LPP, as part of the broader All Parties Democratic Movement, decided to boycott the general elections. What were the achievements of the boycott campaign?

The campaign’s main achievement was to exert pressure on the Musharaf regime for fair and free elections. The Musharaf regime could not rig the elections as it intended. There was a massive anti-dictatorship vote on the day. Although there was not an effective boycott in three of the four provinces, it achieved its main purpose by forcing the regime to accept the verdict of the people. Another outcome was that the boycott of 22 anti-Musharaf political parties provided an undivided anti-Musharaf vote for the two main opposition parties, the PPP and Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) [PMLN] .

What factors limited the impact of the boycott?

The main reason that people decided to vote was because they wanted to punish the Musharaf dictatorship. We did not correctly assess the prevailing mood of the masses. But we did encourage the people’s mood by organising mass boycott rallies throughout Pakistan. We exposed Musharaf’s intention to rig the elections and declared that we would instigate an immediate protest movement if that happened.

What impact has the PPP forming a government had on the advocates’ movement in particular, and on the movement for the restoration of democracy more broadly?

The PPP government has not restored the judges to office, despite its pre- and post- election promises. Instead it has presented a so-called constitutional package to the parliament. The package includes restrictions on the judges who had not taken the oath under the Provisional Constitutional Order [PCO—the legislation used by Musharaf to sack the Supreme Court and install his own judges]. The PPP also wants to restore those judges who took the oath under the PCO. This means the judges who supported the emergency and justified all the dictatorial measures by Musharaf are to be treated equally with those who opposed dictatorial measures.

The PPP government are afraid of an independent judiciary because it could also make judgments against them. They want to preserve the status quo, in line with the policies of the Musharaf dictatorship and US imperialism. The deposed judges had raised concerns about the missing persons issue. These are mainly religious fundamentalists who have been abducted by intelligence agencies and probably handed over to the Americans. That is one reason that US imperialism has kept a criminal silence on the issue of the deposed judges.

The pro-Musharaf and anti-lawyers’ movement policies have had a detrimental effect on the support for the PPP within the lawyers’ movement. They have lost most of the bar councils, and PPP is now seen as a party from the other side. That is why the leader of the PPP, Asif Zardari, husband of Benazir Bhutto, is rapidly losing popularity.

The PPP leadership advised its members not to attend the 100,000-strong pro-democracy Long March from Karachi to Islamabad June 12-14. The People’s Lawyers Forum, a PPP front among the advocates, announced a complete boycott of the event.

Once the demonstrators arrived in Islamabad, Aitzaz Ahsan, the president of the Supreme Court Bar Association, announced the end of the demonstration and that there would be no picket of Parliament. This sparked an immediate reaction by the young lawyers, who wanted to go all the way. Many wept that the main leadership of the lawyers’ movement had moved so quickly from resistance to reconciliation.

A picket of thousands of lawyers would have spoiled the uneasy relationship of PPP and Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), the two main parties of the capitalists and feudals. The PMLN is in power in Punjab and came out of the central government when PPP did not restore the judges as promised.

The defeated regime planned to begin construction of the Kalabagh Dam on the Indus river in 2016. On May 27, the Sindh information minister, Shazia Marri, announced the cancellation of the project. What compelled the PPP to cancel construction? Are mega-projects still on the PPP’s agenda?

There was a tremendous movement in Sindh against the building of this controversial dam prior to the PPP coming to power. People opposed the dam because it threatened to bring a near-drought situation for Sindh. The PPP’s main base is in Sindh, so, in response to the mass movement, they cancelled the dam’s construction. But there are other mega-projects that the PPP government is going ahead with, such as construction of several military bases in Baluchistan, the Gwadar city mega-project and the ring roads around Lahore. So we should have no illusions that this government is opposed to all mega-projects that are playing havoc with people’s lives.

Has the movement against fuel price rises been building for some time, or is this a new force in Pakistan? What political and class forces are involved in the protests?

There have been sporadic demonstrations against price hikes. But the main political parties have not taken any initiatives around this issue. The LPP demonstrations on June 6 were the only coordinated demonstrations across Pakistan. However, the LPP is a small political force.

Currently there is a mood of general apathy among the masses. They voted out the supporters of Musharaf at the general election with the false hope that PPP would take action against price hikes and unemployment. They have voted for PPP and are waiting to see the results of the party in power. The PPP leaders are saying, “We are in power for only three months, so do not expect miracles from us”. Once General Musharaf is replaced, the mood of the masses will change dramatically on this question.

In June, the LPP announced the formation of its first branch in Baluchistan, the resource-rich province on the Iranian and Afghani border and site of ongoing guerrilla warfare. What preparatory work was done to establish the new branch? What is the LPP’s involvement with the Baluchi national liberation struggle?

Some young people from the social movements joined the party and organised the first meeting on May 28-29 in Quetta. Those who participated were mainly from trade unions and social movements. Our weekly newspaper Mazdoor Jeddojuhd (Workers Struggle) played an important part in establishing us. We also organised a separate meeting of women, with 26 in attendance, to introduce the LPP to the province.

The comrades are young and the new to Marxist ideas but are very inspired by the LPP’s role in the campaign against growing militarisation in Baluchistan. They are also happy with the LPP position on the national question. We stand for the right of nations to self-determination. We have always opposed the Pakistani military’s attempts to crush the Baluchistan liberation struggle with force. The LPP demands more resources for Baluchistan, which is rich in natural resources but is the poorest province in regard to social development and industrial infrastructure.

It will take some time to develop the LPP in Baluchistan. We are based in only a few districts, mainly in Quetta. But it is a good beginning and we will grow quite rapidly.

This new branch is the most important development this year for our party. With the establishment of the LPP Baluchistan chapter, we now have a presence in all four provinces, the Northern Areas and Kashmir.

http://www.directaction.org.au/?q=node/116

one worker burnt to death

one worker burnt to death

Dear all,

last night, we heard the terrible news that one worker, an active member of the power looms union body was found from a factory. We had reported to police that one of our workers is missing since 24 June. Last night his body was recovered from the burnt factory, which was under contrl of the same boss who has fired on the workers. He had three other workers forced to reamin in a room who were recovered live from the same factory by police. One Ajmal, a 20 year old worker's body, totally burnt by the bosses was found. A murder case been registered against the boss who is member of Punjab Assembly and a supporter of Gneral Musharaf. Yesterday, hundreds of workers went to faisalabad walking 15 kilometers ina rally while the negociations were going on with he administration. The administration has accepted most of the workers demands and it was agreed that the strike will end today. But after hearing the news of the death of a worker, factories remained close. Over 4000 attended the funeral of Ajmal this morning at Sudhar, Faisalabad. I will write a detail report later.

Comradely,
Farooq Tariq

spokesperson Labour Party Pakistan 40-Abbot Road Lahore, Pakistan Tel: 92 42 6315162 Fax: 92 42 6271149 Mobile: 92 300 8411945
labour_party@ yahoo.com www.laborpakistan. org www.jeddojuhd. com

PAKISTAN: No prohibition of torture in domestic law

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-STM-174- 2008
June 25, 2008

A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission on the Occasion of the
International Day against Torture

PAKISTAN: No prohibition of torture in domestic law

(June 26 is observed every year as the United Nations International Day in
Support of Victims of Torture.)

Pakistan signed the Convention against Torture and other cruel, Inhuman or
degrading treatment of punishment (CAT) on April 17, 2008, along with
ratification of the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights (ICESCR). It also signed the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights (ICCPR). But torture in custody in Pakistan is a continuous
phenomenon. It is still being used as the best means by which to obtain
confessional statements. As yet, there has been no serious effort by the
government to make torture a crime in the domestic laws of the country.

In the latest recorded case of torture in custody of state intelligence
agency the victim, Mr. Abdul Wahab Baloch, was arrested on May 28, 2008,
after a demonstration against the tenth anniversary of nuclear experiment.
He went through severe torture during his illegal detention for six days but
the government has not taken any action against the officials of state
agency. Please see the link:
http://www.ahrchk. net/ua/mainfile. php/2008/ 2883/

Torture is prohibited in the constitution through Article 14 (2) that "No
person shall be subjected to torture for the purpose of extracting
evidence", but the criminal justice system has nothing to do with torture in
custody. Torture in custody is endemic in Pakistan and people generally do
not report torture because they have again to report to the police, the very
people who tortured them in the first place. Also, the lower judiciary
generally takes sides with the prosecution and that is why people do not
report cases of torture.

Currently there are no independent investigation procedures in Pakistan to
investigate cases of torture. In addition to this, there is an alarming lack
of sensitivity among the legal professionals including the judiciary
regarding the practice of torture in Pakistan. In such circumstances the
damage such practices causes in maintaining the rule of law in the country
goes understated. This lack of insensitivity is equally shared by
prosecution, law enforcement agencies like the police and also the
judiciary, particularly the lower judiciary. Due to this there is a lack of
development in the criminal law jurisprudence in Pakistan. Pakistan has thus
far failed to effectively address the question of torture.

It is in the day-to-day work of the lower judiciary that this
underdevelopment is visible the most. One example is the practice of the
lower court judges of allowing remand custody of the detainees with ease
while it is clear as daylight that anyone detained is a subject of torture
in Pakistan. This practice even fails to make use of the little space
available in the current criminal law of Pakistan, where a judge could
demand a reason from the investigating agency for handing over custody of an
accused to such agencies, than transferring the accused into judicial
custody. Put simply, the practice of torture continues because there is no
prohibition against it the domestic law in Pakistan.

Click here to
download the full Report on Torture on the UN International Day in Support
of Torture Victims.

# # #

About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental
organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong
Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

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PAKISTAN: The AHRC welcomes commuting of death sentences to life imprisonment

AHRC-STM-168- 2008
June 24, 2008

A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission

PAKISTAN: The AHRC welcomes commuting of death sentences to life
imprisonment

The Asian Human Rights Commission appreciates and welcomes the announcement
by the new government of Pakistan to commute death sentences to life
imprisonment. The AHRC hopes that the government of Prime Minister Syed
Yousaf Raza Gillani will abolish the law which allows capital punishment by
hanging.

On the occasion of birthday anniversary of Ms. Benazir Bhutto, the
assassinated former prime minister and chair person of the Pakistan People's
Party (PPP), Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani, Prime Minister of Pakistan, announced
that his government would make recommendations to President Musharraf to
commute the death sentences of thousands of prisoners to life imprisonment
as a birthday tribute to Benazir Bhutto. The prime minister has also
directed the Ministry of Interior to send a summary to the president for the
conversion of capital punishment into life imprisonment. Around 7,379
persons will benefit by the commuting of their death sentences.

After the announcement by the Prime Minister Muslim clerics started opposing
the commutation of the death sentence as repugnant to Islamic fundamentalism
and the teachings of the Holy Quran. In this, a new environment is being
created by vested interest to dehumanize society by favouring the death
sentence, thereby condoning the violence perpetrated by the state power.
During the 60 years of Pakistan's independence the scope of the death
penalty in the law of the country increased to cover 27 'crimes' including
blasphemy, stripping a woman in the public, terrorist acts, sabotage of
sensitive installations, sabotage of railway, attacks on law enforcement
personal, spreading hate against the arm forces, sedition, and many more.
These all are covered under Islamic laws and Islamic Ideology, a slogan
under narrow nationalism and religious fanaticism.

During the rule of civilian or elected governments it was observed that
death penalties were rarely awarded. However, during military regimes the
numbers of executions by hanging rose by more than 100 in 2007. In 2005 52
people were hung, in 2006 the figure rose to 82 and in 2007 134 were were
executed. The death penalty is still being carried out and according to the
2007 figures a total of 7,379 persons, including 44 women await execution.

The power to pardon or to commute the death sentence lies only before the
president who, in many cases were military dictators who were happy to
please the Muslim fundamentalists to legalise killing by the state.

The private courts like, Jirga and Islamic courts themselves decide to hang
a criminal or to kill them by stoning. The president would normally have the
authority to commute the death sentence, however, the Islamic Federal court,
the federal Shariat court (FSC) have limited the power of the president by
ruling that only the legal heirs of the victim have the power to pardon the
convicted person. The "blood money" paid to relatives of victims is defined
by the FSC as the only way to escape the death of penalty. Most appallingly,
another method of commuting the death penalty is to hand over young girls as
compensation for a crime of murder. The so-called Islamic courts release the
person from the gallows only after receiving news of a compromise reached
between parties on the exchange of these young girls.

In 1970, the government led by the late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto raised the
minimum term of a life sentence from 14 to to 25 years with the idea that
capital punishment would be abolished in the years to come. However, this
did not materialize and General Zia, the military ruler from 1977 to 1988,
kept both the death penalty and the increased life sentence intact through
one ordinance which was later on was made the part of the constitution.
President Musharraf has done nothing to alter either the death sentence nor
the minimum term.

Children, under the age of 18 years, are also subjected to the death
penalty. The Juvenile Justice System ordinance was promulgated to prohibit
the death penalty to persons under 18 years of age and made provision for
juvenile courts. However, once again the High Court of Punjab in 2004
stopped this process. Fortunately the Supreme Court after one year restored
the ordinance. It was difficult for courts to accept that death penalty is
no solution for crimes.

Under these circumstances there are chances that Muslim fundamentalists and
conservative forces will start using pressure tactics to stop the abolition
of the death sentences and launch a movement through the media and street
power. In fact they have already started. The government should not bow down
before the reactionary forces and must assert the right to life for every
one.

The Asian Human Rights Commission welcomes the intentions of the government
to commute the death sentences into life imprisonment and is preparing a
summery in this regard to forward the President of Pakistan to withdraw the
death sentence. The announcement of the prime minister was only on the
occasion of birth day celebrations of Ms. Benazir Bhutto. However, the AHRC
urges the prime minister to immediately withdraw the amendment from the
constitution in regard to the death sentence introduced by an army general
at the behest of fundamentalists. A constitutional guarantee is required.
Otherwise in the coming days executions will carried out via Federal Sharia
and some private courts like the Jirga and tribal courts as they will pay no
heed to the announcement of the prime minister.

As the government had signed the ICCPR and CAT and ratified the ICESCR,
which is again a bold step of a new government, they should immediately go
one step further to abolish death sentence from, the constitution of
Pakistan.

# # #

About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental
organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong
Kong-based group was founded in 1984.

a&m=2829>

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A workers day at Faisalabad

A workers day at Faisalabad
by Farooq Tariq

Over 10,000 workers picketed a power loom factory in Sadhar Faisalabad for over 8 hours on 24 June. They were demanding the arrest of the owner of the factory and his gangsters. The factory owner, Asif, a Muslim League Q member of Punjab Assembly (MPA), directed its gangsters to open fire directly on the 300 workers protesting outside the factory for higher wages. Seven workers were shot at and severely injured. They were rushed to the Allied Hospital in Faisalabad. One of them was in critical condition.

On hearing the news of the firing, the workers of all the power looms and textile factories of the area walked out in protest and picketed (Gherao) the factory from where the firing started. The workers were led by the local leaders of Labour Qaumi Movement, an organization of textile workers, supported by Labour Party Pakistan and several radical social movements.

The main leaders of LQM were busy elsewhere in Faisalabad where workers has taken action for better wages. Almost half of the Faisalabad power loom workers were on strike for the last two days on the call of LQM. Faisalabad is the largest textile city of Pakistan and third largest city of Pakistan. A private television channel Express started a live broadcast from the scene of the picket. This brought more workers on the spot.

Those who had fired on workers were forced to remain inside the factory. The police wanted to take them out, workers will not allow the police to enter the factory. They did not have any trust on police. They were demanding the arrest of the MPA, who had fled the scene already. Hundreds of police was mobilized from all over the district. As police tried to enter the factory to rescue the gangsters, the workers resisted. Police fired tear gas, and fired in the air but some even fired directly.
The workers retaliated with stones and forced the police to retreat. They could not enter the factory. In the meantime, there were more and more workers coming in and joining the picket.

Earlier on 8 June 2008, the LQM had organized a workers conference in the area. It was attended by over 5000 and was addressed by Labour Party Pakistan general secretary Nisar Shah, Sarwar Bari of Pattan Development organization and other labour leaders. The speakers announced that that Peshgi (advance) system is illegal and no boss can cut the Peshgi from workers wages. They also demanded a social security card for every worker and implementation of labour laws. The conference set a very radical mood among workers. It was first largest manifestation of workers power in the area.

As we heard the news in Lahore, four of us left for Faisalabad immediately, a two and half hour drive from Lahore. When we arrived around 5.30 pm, police had already been on retreat. As we waved our red flags, hundreds of workers came to shout slogans against police and for workers unity and solidarity. We went to the besieged factory and workers started gathering around us. I warned the bosses of a nationwide campaign if the bosses are not arrested particularly the MPA. We also told workers not to burn factories and no violence. “Violence will always play in the hands of the bosses and the state” I declared. Earlier, some enraged workers had burnt three factories owned by the same boss.

As I finished my speech, I was told that there is yet another injured worker hit by bullet found in near by field. I rushed the injured worker to the hospital in my car. He was hit by a bullet in his foot. The injured workers told me that he was asked by the gangsters to run away, he refused, then they fired around him, he did not run, then they fired at his foot, he was unconscious for some time and hours later, he was rushed to the hospital. Workers feared of his arrest if they dare to take him to hospital. I went through hundreds of policemen and asked them to give way to take the worker to hospital.

A nearby main road was closed by women belonging to the families of the workers. They were also in hundreds. They took the decision on their own to close the road to insert more pressure on the administration. This was the result of the speeches of LPP leaders at the conference who had asked the workers to involve women in the movement.

In the meantime, the workers allowed the police to enter the factory.
After admitting him to hospital, I came back to the area with Aslam Meraj, labour secretary Labour Party Pakistan Punjab, who was at the hospital to take care of the seven injured workers brought in the afternoon. We arrived back to hear that Punjab Labour Minister is rushing to the area. In the meantime, all the main private media had arrived at the scene and it had become national news. Ashraf Sohna, the labour minister arrived and came straight to the place we were standing. Aslam Meraj gave a brief of what happened and made it clear that until the demands are not met, we will not lift the picket of the factory. The Labour Minister told the big crowed that I will get the MPA arrested and will not leave Faisalabad until the arrest. He also said that all the demands of the workers will be met.

We then proceeded to negotiate with top police officers. Aslam Tareen the senior superintendent of Police Faisalabad told us, that he has arrested the MPA and nine other gangsters and recovered fifteen sophisticated guns from the factory. On hearing this, we agreed to provide a safe passage to the arrested gangsters. We asked the workers to let the police van come close the factory and take away the arrested ones. This was done although some workers still threw stones in anger when the police van was leaving.

While we were leaving to Lahore around 10pm, all the roads around the area were stopped by young workers. We were stopped at several places and when they knew who we were or they recognized us, they allowed us to leave.
It was a workers day at Faisalabad and in Pakistan. A new history of militant struggle has been written by the power loom workers. They had shown the power of the industrial workers.

Farooq Tariq
spokesperson Labour Party Pakistan 40-Abbot Road Lahore, Pakistan Tel: 92 42 6315162 Fax: 92 42 6271149 Mobile: 92 300 8411945
labour_party@ yahoo.com www.laborpakistan. org www.jeddojuhd. com